At a conference titled “Is Parliament Open to Women? An Assessment” held in Geneva, Switzerland, on September 28-29, 2009, the Inter-Parliamentary Union gathered 80 parliamentarians and administrators from 38 countries to assess the progress in women’s parliamentary participation. This event, focused on parliamentary committees working towards gender equality and women’s rights, highlighting the persistent challenges women face in political systems worldwide.
Fifteen years after this conference, as Chad prepares for its legislative, provincial, and municipal elections scheduled for December 29, 2024, the question arises again: Will the Chadian parliament truly open its doors to women? Since the first UN World Conference on Women in Mexico in 1975, the global community has strived to eliminate discrimination and promote women’s economic and political empowerment. Chad’s new constitution strengthens and builds on this struggling momentum, establishing essential protections for women and guaranteeing gender equality (Articles 14 and 15). Further, provisions like Article 34 actively encourage female participation in elected assemblies and public institutions, requiring political parties to have at least 30% female candidates on their lists. It should be noted that gender parity was established by Decree No. 0433 of March 5, 2021, implementing Ordinance No. 012/PR/2018, which sets a 30% quota for women in appointed and elected positions. This quota is expected to progressively move toward full parity. These measures include gender alternation on lists in multi-seat constituencies and mandatory parity in two-seat districts.
This paper explores the impact of these reforms on Chad’s upcoming elections and examines whether these constitutional and legislative measures will enable women’s greater integration into the Chadian parliament, fostering a more inclusive and representative political space.
1. Seat allocation and gender quota implementation
Chadian law enforces a 30% quota for women, meaning that in multi-seat constituencies, lists must include at least 30% female candidates, or they risk disqualification. For single-seat constituencies, parties are free to nominate either a man or a woman.
2. Analysing women’s electoral prospects
The Quota tested in the proportional voting system
In single-seat constituencies, political parties must meet the 30% quota for women across all seats, meaning that approximately 25 of the 83 seats could theoretically go to women. However, this projection is fragile due to male-dominated wins and woman-vs-woman races, which may reduce this number to as few as 13 seats.
In two-seat districts, gender parity is enforced; each list must include one man and one woman, potentially allowing women to secure up to 34 seats. Conversely, if the proportional system is applied, resulting in two parties each winning one seat, female candidates’ chances could significantly diminish as men are often placed at the top of lists.
In constituencies with three or more seats, the 30% quota and gender alternation rule ensure female representation on lists, but not necessarily in seat allocation. If a party wins multiple seats, around 13 of the 37 seats in these districts might go to women, yet this could be lower if seats are split among multiple parties. Ultimately, women’s representation depends on how parties apply quotas and prioritize women on their lists, especially in leading positions. Despite quotas, women risk underrepresentation, particularly in single-seat and proportional districts where they often hold secondary positions on list. This trend could shift only if more women run in single-seat districts or lead lists in multi-seat districts.
Additional constraints
Beyond strategic list placement, several structural and cultural barriers limit women’s electoral chances:
- Recruitment challenges in remote areas: Field surveys show that in some rural, isolated areas like Binder, political parties struggle to recruit female candidates. Parties report difficulties in retaining female supporters, who often leave after marriage. Cultural barriers and limited public engagement among women in these regions make meeting quotas challenging.
- Financial barriers: Selected female candidates from remote areas are often small-scale traders who lack the financial means to cover election fees. Many women also lack resources to run competitive campaigns, limiting their ability to contend with wealthier candidates.
- Distrust and reluctance due to past experiences: Some potential candidates are hesitant to run, as in previous elections, they were asked to self-fund their candidacy with promises of benefits like diplomatic passports if elected. Positioned at the bottom of lists, many were ultimately not elected, fostering distrust and discouraging participation.
- An assumed and justified quota skepticism: Some analysts argue that imposing gender quotas is effective in other contexts, but ill-suited in Chad’s setting, as it may overlook key structural and cultural challenges faced by women, particularly in rural or conservative areas. They contend that appointing women solely to meet quotas risks stifling effective political contributions, promoting superficial tokenism rather than genuine representation, and weakening the quality of debates in the National Assembly. Instead, they advocate for a phased, supportive approach to women’s political inclusion, tailored to Chad’s unique context, as a more sustainable way to build impactful and inclusive governance.
Conclusion
Despite legal provisions to improve women’s representation with a minimum 30% quota, various constraints continue to undermine their electoral success. These constraints, whether structural, financial, or cultural, significantly diminish the prospects for women’s representation in the next National Assembly. While it’s likely that women’s representation will surpass the 5,8% and even the 15,3% seen in the 2002-2006/2011 and 2011-2015/2021 legislatures, respectively, it remains uncertain if it will reach the 33% currently observed in the Transitional National Council (CNT). A conservative estimate suggests that women could win around 32 to 45 seats out of 188, or roughly 17% to 24% of the National Assembly, depending on party strategies and voluntary quota application in single-seat districts.
For quotas to boost women’s representation, stronger incentives, financial support, and greater awareness of the benefits of women’s political involvement are essential. A dedicated women-only list, as used in Mauritania, could be a solution. This system reserves seats for women, boosting their parliamentary representation regardless of the overall election outcomes.
This blog post was made possible thanks to financial support from the European Union under grant agreement No. NDICI AFRICA/2022/435-927. The opinions expressed here are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the EU.
