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Journal of
African Elections

The Journal of African Elections (JAE), founded in 2002, is the only internationally accredited Journal that is devoted entirely to African elections and is archived at the National Library of South Africa.

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JAE Volume 23 Number 2 Dec 2024 [Entire Journal]
JAE Volume 23 Number 2 Dec 2024 [Entire Journal]

   Volume 23, Number 2 Dec 2024englishsouth-africa2024vol-23
Accountability and Representation in South Africa's 2024 Elections: A Reshaping of the Political Landscape
Accountability and Representation in South Africa’s 2024 Elections: A Reshaping of the Political Landscape

Susan BooysenVolume 23, Number 2 Dec 2024, , , , , , , , , englishsouth-africa2024vol-23
Elite Money and Votes: The Political Economy of South Africa’s 2024 Elections
Elite Money and Votes: The Political Economy of South Africa’s 2024 Elections

Rekgotsofetse ChikaneVolume 23, Number 2 Dec 2024, , , , , , englishsouth-africa2024vol-23
Peace and Security Issues in South Africa’a 2024 National and Provincial Elections: Security Planning, Implementation and Results
Peace and Security Issues in South Africa’a 2024 National and Provincial Elections: Security Planning, Implementation and Results

Michelle SmallVolume 23, Number 2 Dec 2024, , , , , , , , , englishsouth-africa2024vol-23
Same Voices, Different Contestants: Media and the 2024 Elections in South Africa
Same Voices, Different Contestants: Media and the 2024 Elections in South Africa

Admire MareVolume 23, Number 2 Dec 2024englishsouth-africa2024vol-23
Youth Inclusivity in South Africa's 2024 Elections
Youth Inclusivity in South Africa’s 2024 Elections

Jan HofmeyrVolume 23, Number 2 Dec 2024, , , , englishsouth-africa2024vol-23
Making Sense of Voter Turnout in the 2024 South African National and Provincial Elections
Making Sense of Voter Turnout in the 2024 South African National and Provincial Elections

Sithembile MbeteVolume 23, Number 2 Dec 2024, , , , , , englishsouth-africa2024vol-23
Votes, Voices and Views: A Review of the Management of the South African 2024 National and Provincial Elections
Votes, Voices and Views: A Review of the Management of the South African 2024 National and Provincial Elections

Naphtaly Sekamogeng and Chinwendum Blossom EgbudeVolume 23, Number 2 Dec 2024, , , , englishsouth-africa2024vol-23
Media Coverage of South Africa's 2024 Elections: Setting Standards for a Media Performance Review
Media Coverage of South Africa’s 2024 Elections: Setting Standards for a Media Performance Review

William Bird and Thandi SmithVolume 23, Number 2 Dec 2024, , , , , , englishsouth-africa2024vol-23
JAE Volume 23 Number 1 Oct 2024 [Entire Journal]
JAE Volume 23 Number 1 Oct 2024 [Entire Journal]

englishethiopia nigeria south-africa2024vol-23
OPINION: The Limits of Liberation History: South Africa’s Elections in Retrospect
OPINION: The Limits of Liberation History: South Africa’s Elections in Retrospect

Stephen ChanVolume 24 Number 1, Oct 2024, , , englishsouth-africa2024vol-23
Democracy, Elections and Citizen Participation: The South African Experience
Democracy, Elections and Citizen Participation: The South African Experience

The discourse on the reversal of democratic dividends, which has gained momentum in the past decade and a half, focuses on the erstwhile discussion on electoral governance and the relationship between elections and democracy. In this article, I emphasise the pivotal role of citizens and the value addition of elections in a democracy. Elections, as a cornerstone of democracy, provide a platform for citizens to express their will and shape the future of their nation. The article asserts a symbiotic relationship between democracy, elections, and citizen participation. A preliminary conclusion is that democracy is about improving citizens’ circumstances, and regular elections provide the citizens with an opportunity to elect leaders who will ensure that they realise the democratic dividends. Therefore, there is a need for strengthened human rights-centred and inclusive electoral processes with meaningful opportunities and arrangements for citizens’ participation beyond voting.

Sy MamaboloVolume 23, Number 1 Oct 2024, , englishsouth-africa2024vol-23
Voter Management Devices in South Africa's Elections, 2021-2024
Voter Management Devices in South Africa’s Elections, 2021-2024

This paper tracks the performance of Voter Management Devices (VMDs) in South Africa from their piloting in the 2021 local government election to their adoption in the 2024 general elections. It seeks to unpack what this performance means for further modernising electoral processes in the country, and especially for the introduction of e-voting. The Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) argues that hand-held touch-screen electronic devices ushered in a new era for election management in South Africa. Procured for millions of rand, VMDs replaced the old Zip-Zip barcode machines used since 1998 which could not capture real-time information. They were introduced at a time when the COVID-19 pandemic posed a threat to electoral participation in the democratic world. While the IEC and some observers argue that VMDs strengthened tough health controls in the voting process during their piloting, as with most new technology they still experienced several challenges and technical glitches. Nevertheless, the IEC resolved to deploy the new devices in the 2024 general elections. Following further glitches in the general elections, two main research questions have emerged: is South Africa technologically ready to handle e-voting based on the performance of VMDs? and what can other African countries learn from South Africa regarding modernising their voting systems? Data for this study was collected using qualitative methods. This study found that political will alone is insufficient for the modernisation of voting systems. The performance of VMDs requires further scrutiny before e-voting can be successfully implemented in South Africa.

Maxwell MasekoVolume 23, Number 1 Oct 2024, , , , englishsouth-africa2024 2021vol-23
Political Party Building in a Populist Style: Evidence from South Africa’s Economic Freedom Fighters, 2014-2019
Political Party Building in a Populist Style: Evidence from South Africa’s Economic Freedom Fighters, 2014-2019

This article assesses the local organisation of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) in its first participation in South Africa’s local government elections in 2016. Drawing on original interviews with local party activists, it explains how the EFF’s brand of populism mobilised at the grassroots level during its formative years. The study argues that the party’s populist style was effective because it helped appropriate existing diverse networks of political activists by positioning itself as the voice of ‘ordinary black people’ against business and government ‘elites’. This orientation of the EFF appealed to youth, activists, and mineworkers who felt excluded from the African National Congress (ANC); while the protests and regalia of its populist style nurtured feelings of collective identity and efficacy among local party organisers. The article indicates how a populist style can be effective in exploiting generational cleavages to build a viable opposition party within the constraints of a dominant party system.

Michael J. BraunVolume 23, Number 1 Oct 2024, , , , , , englishsouth-africa2024 2019 2014vol-23
Democratic Deficit and Underdevelopment in Nigeria: A Qualitative Study of the 2023 Presidential Elections
Democratic Deficit and Underdevelopment in Nigeria: A Qualitative Study of the 2023 Presidential Elections

Discontentment with democracy in West Africa centres on abuse of power and political corruption. In Nigeria, dissatisfaction lies not just with these but also with insecurity, economic recession and the electoral process – a system fraught with complications, controversies and contradictions. Using the political economy of elections as its theoretical framework together with mixed research methods, this paper interrogates the relationship between Nigeria’s democratic culture and the 2023 presidential elections. Here I present a politicised electoral management institution, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Its performance is shaped, not by legislative instruments and constitutional guidelines, but by a dysfunctional democratic culture that reflects the extent to which ethnicised politics, class, institutionalised loyalty and money politics determine election results and Nigeria’s version of democracy. Although fragile and prebendal, democracy continues to consolidate amidst delayed development. The paper recommends increased media advocacy for reform.

Victor JatulaVolume 23 Number 1, Oct 2024, , , , , , , englishnigeria2024 2023vol-23
Women's Participation in Nigeria's 2023 Elections: A Micro-level Analysis
Women’s Participation in Nigeria’s 2023 Elections: A Micro-level Analysis

This study investigates a micro-level dimension of women’s participation in Nigeria’s electoral politics. It focuses on a particular local government area: Ikere, in Ekiti state in southwestern Nigeria, during the 2023 general election. The paper uses a qualitative approach to analyse the contributions of women towards the successes of their political parties at the polls, although they have not had full opportunity to contest as candidates. Key informant and in-depth interviews were conducted with respondents who were purposively selected from the leadership of political parties, academia, market and religious institutions, as well as interested onlookers. Additionally, campaign and mobilisation processes were observed during the period of this election. The study concluded that the wait for cultural and socioeconomic development to turn in favour of women’s numerical increase might not offer any realistic hope. However, the adoption of discretionary affirmative action strategies by party leaders could have a reverse effect and also reinforce prejudice.

Adedeji Victor Adebayo and Molatokunbo A. S. OlutayoVolume 23 Number 1, Oct 2024, , , englishnigeria2024vol-23
Women's Participation in Ethiopia's 2021 Elections: The Role of Political Parties
Women’s Participation in Ethiopia’s 2021 Elections: The Role of Political Parties

This study examines the role of Ethiopia’s main political parties and the participation of women during the three stages of the 2021 election cycle – the pre-voting, voting and post-voting periods. Four political parties – Prosperity, Ethiopian Citizens for Social Justice, National Movement of Amhara, and ENAT – were selected and their party manifestos and reports analysed. Interviews were conducted with 12 individuals representing political party leaders and women candidates. Reports of the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) and the media are also included. Data is thematically grouped and interpreted using a conceptual construct of political parties’ role in promoting women’s political representation as developed by UNDP and NDI. The findings revealed the paradoxes and inconsistencies of political parties’ ideologies and strategies which affect women’s participation in party politics and the subsequent election outcome. This paper recommends that, given the absence of a quota system to guarantee adequate women’s participation in elections, political party self-regulatory measures could offer an alternative option to increase the
political participation of women in Ethiopia.

Seblewongiel Kidanie and Eden HailuVolume 23 Number 1, Oct 2024, , , englishethiopia2023 2021vol-23
BOOK REVIEW: Who will rule South Africa? The Demise of the ANC and the Rise of a New Democracy
BOOK REVIEW: Who will rule South Africa? The Demise of the ANC and the Rise of a New Democracy

Roger SouthallVolume 23 Number 1, Oct 2024englishsouth-africa2024vol-23
JAE Volume 22 Number 2 Oct 2023 [Entire Journal]
JAE Volume 22 Number 2 Oct 2023 [Entire Journal]

Volume 22 Number 2 Oct 2023vol-22
The Alternative Vote for Zimbabwe? A Rhodesian Retrospective
The Alternative Vote for Zimbabwe? A Rhodesian Retrospective

Roger SouthallVolume 22 Number 2 Oct 2023zimbabwe2023vol-22
Déjà vu With Difference: A Gramscian Interpretation of Zimbabwe’s 2023 Elections and their Pasts
Déjà vu With Difference: A Gramscian Interpretation of Zimbabwe’s 2023 Elections and their Pasts

Violence – ranging from barely detectable to genocidal to coups and post-coup mêlées – has marred most if not all of Zimbabwe’s elections since its 1980 birth. Electoral brutality has been almost normalised since Zimbabwe’s first meaningful opposition, coupled with the ‘fast track’ land reform-inspired crises, accompanied the millennium’s turn. This article suggests that elections are signposts of what Antonio Gramsci might have considered the balance of coercion and consent during the long interregna between colonialism and an uncertain end. Evidence from Zimbabwe’s 2023 election and its predecessors illustrates the changing techniques between the coercion/consent poles as ZANU-PF’s leaders gain and maintain power along the rocky road to an unknown destination.

David MooreVolume 22 Number 2 Oct 2023, , , , , , , zimbabwe2023vol-22
Future Pandemics and Elections: Lessons from the COVID-19 Pandemic in the Central African Republic, Ghana, Kenya and Tanzania
Future Pandemics and Elections: Lessons from the COVID-19 Pandemic in the Central African Republic, Ghana, Kenya and Tanzania

Pandemics and other health crises are predicted to become more common in the future. This is likely to pose a variety of threats to electoral integrity. This article argues that, by learning lessons from the COVID-19 pandemic, the negative impacts on elections of viral outbreaks and other emergencies can be mitigated in the future. It will begin by reviewing academic and grey literature on COVID-19 and elections, before presenting research findings from case study elections in Tanzania, Ghana, the Central African Republic, and Kenya. The article will highlight specific challenges facing low- and middle-income countries and argue that the protocols that were introduced in these case study countries ultimately failed to adequately ensure the safety of voters and election administrators by not addressing issues of compliance and enforcement. It will then present: 1) recommendations designed to be implemented in advance of future health crises, and 2) measures that should be taken once such emergencies are …

Robert Macdonald and Thomas MolonyVolume 22 Number 2 Oct 2023, , , , central-african-republic ghana kenya tanzania2023vol-22
Technology, Cyber Security and the 2023 Elections in Nigeria: Prospects, Challenges and Opportunities
Technology, Cyber Security and the 2023 Elections in Nigeria: Prospects, Challenges and Opportunities

Nigeria’s Electoral Act 2022 legitimises the use of technology in different aspects of the electoral process. The steady increase in technology adoption in the electoral process continued in 2023, after successful pilots in the Anambra, Ekiti, and Osun state elections. This article investigates how technology has been deployed to conduct elections in Nigeria, comparing it to other jurisdictions, notably Estonia. This study adopts a qualitative case study approach, synthesising expert views and reviews from the available literature, official documents, and press releases to produce emergent themes. The article considers the emerging legal, regulatory, and technical concerns from both a scholarly and industry perspective. The article also examines potential risks, such as reliability issues, cybersecurity concerns, gaps in technological capability, information governance and data protection concerns.

Robinson Tombari Sibe and Christian KaunertVolume 22 Number 2 Oct 2023nigeria2023vol-22
Nigeria's 2023 Presidential Elections: The Question of Legitimacy for the Tinubu Administration
Nigeria’s 2023 Presidential Elections: The Question of Legitimacy for the Tinubu Administration

This article raises concerns about the legitimacy crisis likely to confront the government of Nigeria’s President Bola Tinubu, following the nature of the conduct and outcome of the 2023 presidential elections. While legitimacy is crucial to government and governance, citizens’ compliance and cooperation with the government, and how elections and their outcomes are perceived can influence the government’s legitimacy. The study reveals how INEC’S
conduct, Tinubu’s personality crisis and the burdens facing the ruling APC in a pluralistic society, as well as the emerging youth category, would affect Tinubu’s legitimacy as Nigeria’s president. The analysis relies on careful
observation of Nigerian politics and elections as well as the views expressed by experts, political parties, local and international observers and newspaper reports before, during and after the 2023 elections. It offers an empirical
contribution to our understanding of the relationship between elections and the legitimacy of Nigeria.

Akinbode FasakinVolume 22 Number 2 Oct 2023nigeria2023vol-22
Preparations of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the Outcome of the 2023 General Elections in Nigeria
Preparations of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the Outcome of the 2023 General Elections in Nigeria

While many scholarly works have been dedicated to the study of elections in Nigeria, the preparations for and outcome of the 2023 elections have not received adequate attention. This article seeks to address that gap with an assessment of the preparations of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the outcome of the 2023 general elections. Despite earlier concerns about the conduct of Nigeria’s 2023 general elections, assurances from the electoral umpire calmed this anxiety and raised some hopes. However, the outcome of the election betrayed the hopes of not only most of the electorate but also local and international observers. The article argues that the outcome should not be a surprise because of the failure to reckon with endemic problems. These include the nature of Nigeria’s politics, its elite, a lack of political will, lack of rule of law and constitutionalism, unpopular government policies, and a distrust of the system, particularly INEC and the …

Olasupo Thompson, Ridwan Idris, Oluniyi Ademola and Modupe ObiVolume 22 Number 2 Oct 2023, , , , nigeria2023vol-22
Electoral Manipulation in the Grey Zone: Evidence from Ghana’s Parliamentary Elections in 2008 and 2012
Electoral Manipulation in the Grey Zone: Evidence from Ghana’s Parliamentary Elections in 2008 and 2012

Electoral manipulation undermines the function of elections as a mechanism of representation and accountability, and erodes public trust in government institutions; however, our theoretical understanding of its causes is still limited. Research has focused on the blunter forms of electoral manipulation. Less attention has been given to the more subtle forms, although these are more common. This paper investigates one type of subtle electoral manipulation: miscounting, meaning election officers who selectively reject ballots during the counting. It suggests that miscounting (one of the ways in which political candidates can rig elections) is characterised by low risks and high direct costs. On one hand, it is almost invisible, embedded in the sociocultural norms and practices surrounding elections in many African countries. On the other, it is expensive, requiring large amounts of patronage to co-opt election officers. This makes miscounting attractive only to incumbents who fear electoral defeat and have deep clientelist networks. The paper tests this argument against data from the 2008 and 2012 parliamentary elections in Ghana. It shows that the number of ballot rejections is positively correlated with the number of years the party of the incumbent MP has held the constituency seat, but negatively correlated when this variable is interacted with the win-margin in the last parliamentary election. This pattern is consistent with the model, supporting the argument that the effect of electoral uncertainty on miscounting is conditional. When MPs do not have resources at their disposal, they choose other types of electoral manipulation or opt out of electoral rigging altogether.

Halfdan LyngeVolume 22 Number 2 Oct 2023, , , , ghana2023vol-22
Ensuring Peaceful Elections in Ghana: The Role of Civil Society Organisations in the 2020 Elections
Ensuring Peaceful Elections in Ghana: The Role of Civil Society Organisations in the 2020 Elections

This paper explores the role civil society organisations (CSOs) play in promoting peaceful elections in Ghana. Preventing electoral violence is a key factor in the support of functioning democratic societies, and the role of CSOs in promoting peaceful elections continues to grow with each electoral contest. This paper reviews secondary sources to interrogate the questions about the nature, interventions, impact, and challenges of CSOs in Ghana before, during and after general elections. Specifically, the paper examines the 2020 presidential and parliamentary elections using the West Africa Network for Peacebuilding (WANEP) and the Coalition of Domestic Election Observers (CODEO) as case studies. Overall, the recommendations in this study suggest CSOs must build synergies to increase collaboration in order to promote peaceful elections and political transitions. In addition, to strengthen their election observation, civic/voter education, peace promotion and violence monitoring roles through sustainable funding, CSOs in Ghana must review their funding strategies to include donations from non-partisan organisations and individuals. Furthermore, to maintain the integrity of CSOs in Ghana, they must develop internally-built transparency and accountability mechanisms such as legal structures to govern their operations.

Felix Danso, Festus Kofi Aubyn and Bettina BoatengVolume 22 Number 2 Oct 2023, , , ghana2023vol-22
Political Vigilante Violence in Ghana: Its Human Rights Implications
Political Vigilante Violence in Ghana: Its Human Rights Implications

The primary goal of this paper is to consider the incontrovertible links between political vigilante violence and human rights violations in Ghana. In particular, it pays attention to the ways in which politically-related violence thrives. To achieve this, the paper will be guided by the following research objectives: First, to explore the nature of political vigilantism in Ghana’s Fourth Republic. Second, to analyse the human rights issues in political vigilantism within this period. Drawing mainly on experiences of general elections of Ghana’s Fourth Republic, the paper purposes to interrogate the scale of political vigilante violence in Ghana. It contends that there is an intricate link between political vigilante violence and human rights. The paper relies on frustration-aggression theory to consider the ways in which the desire to gain political power leads to rivalry and eventually to violence.

Seth Tweneboah, Linus Nangwele and Paul Akwasi BaamiVolume 22 Number 2 Oct 2023ghana2023vol-22
Promoting Electoral Governance in Togo: An Analysis of the EMB and the Electoral System, 2010–2020
Promoting Electoral Governance in Togo: An Analysis of the EMB and the Electoral System, 2010–2020

The death of Gnassingbe Eyadema ushered in a new era for Togolese politics. With the transition from military to civilian rule many political actors and citizens had renewed hopes for the birth of a new political dispensation. More
than four decades later, under the new leadership of Eyadema’s son Faure, they have been met with scepticism, even though considerable measures have been taken to ensure the promotion of electoral governance. Most political actors continue to question the legitimacy of elections held, and the alternation of power remains highly unlikely. This has led to voter apathy and deepening distrust in electoral management bodies and the electoral system. This paper therefore examines efforts by the Togolese government to promote electoral governance between 2010 and 2020 by analysing two of its important instruments: the electoral system, and the electoral body, the CENI. The paper argues that, despite all efforts made by the government to validate the credibility of elections, ensuring that the proper functioning of these mechanisms is credible, inclusive and transparent remains of paramount concern for the promotion of electoral governance in the country.

Maureen Namondo Lifongo, Anna-Mart van Wyk and Victoria GrahamVolume 22 Number 2 Oct 2023togo2023vol-22
Book Review: Everyday Identity and Electoral Politics: Race, Ethnicity, and the Bloc Vote in South Africa and Beyond
Book Review: Everyday Identity and Electoral Politics: Race, Ethnicity, and the Bloc Vote in South Africa and Beyond

Kealeboga J. MaphunyeVolume 22 Number 2 Oct 20232023vol-22
JAE Volume 22 Number 1 Jun 2023 [Entire Journal: Special Issue, Lesotho's 2022 Elections]
JAE Volume 22 Number 1 Jun 2023 [Entire Journal: Special Issue, Lesotho’s 2022 Elections]

Volume 22 Number 1, June 2023, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , englishlesotho2023vol-22
Editorial
Editorial

Hoolo ‘NyaneVolume 22 Number 1, June 2023englishlesotho2023
The Independent Electoral Commission in Lesotho's 2022 Parliamentary Elections: Preparedness and Performance
The Independent Electoral Commission in Lesotho’s 2022 Parliamentary Elections: Preparedness and Performance

Most assessments and analyses of Lesotho’s elections have focused on the post-election conflict. There has been little attention to the role of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) as the key player with the constitutional mandate to ensure credible, free, and fair electoral processes. During the polls on 7 October 2022, the role of the IEC came to the fore in terms of the extent of their preparedness for and actual performance in managing the electoral processes. Adopting a qualitative approach that relies on interviews with purposefully selected respondents and document analysis, this paper assesses these two main aspects of the IEC. The paper argues that compared to previous elections from 2012, the IEC does not seem to have been adequately prepared to manage the October 2022 elections, and as such, it had a poor performance this time.

Pulane Selinah Mahase and Motlamelle Anthony KapaVolume 22 Number 1, June 2023englishlesotho2023 2022
The Transition and Formation of Government after Lesotho's 2022 Elections
The Transition and Formation of Government after Lesotho’s 2022 Elections

The process of transitioning from one government to another and forming a new government after elections in Lesotho is often fraught with controversy and uncertainty. These problems can be attributed, by and large, to the lack of adequate rules and consistent constitutional practice. The 2022 elections have once again shone the spotlight on these longstanding problems. Like all other elections since 2012, the 2022 elections were inconclusive: no political party received an outright majority to form a government. Since the country uses a parliamentary system, the government depends on the confidence of the National Assembly and the life of the government is pegged to the life of Parliament. The end of the parliamentary term effectively means the end of the government. In terms of the Constitution, once Parliament is dissolved, elections must be held within three months. Within one month after the elections, a new Parliament must sit. While the Constitution provides for the appointment of the prime minister – the king appoints as prime minister a member of the National Assembly who will have the confidence of the House – there are no rules stipulating how the confidence of the House is to be determined. Likewise, the government’s position between the dissolution of Parliament and the forming of a new government is often opaque and precarious. This article examines these inadequacies in the context of the 2022 elections. The article uses content analysis – the examination of primary and secondary documents – to analyse the activities that took place during the transition and formation of a new government in the 2022 elections. The article concludes that the 2022 elections serve to confirm a longstanding problem of inadequate rules and consistent practice relating to the transition and formation of government.

Hoolo ‘NyaneVolume 22 Number 1, June 2023, , , , , englishlesotho2023
Screening Political Party Candidates and the Implications for Electoral Performance: The Case of the Revolution for Prosperity (RFP) in Lesotho's 2022 General Elections
Screening Political Party Candidates and the Implications for Electoral Performance: The Case of the Revolution for Prosperity (RFP) in Lesotho’s 2022 General Elections

The formation of the Revolution for Prosperity (RFP) party in March 2022
has radically altered Lesotho’s political landscape. Apart from the new calibre
of political leadership, the party has, in line with its name, revolutionised
some of the traditions long held by Lesotho’s political parties. Contrary to
the closed primary elections that most parties use, the RFP introduced a
combination of centralised and technocratic approaches in determining the
list of party candidates for the October 2022 elections. With the former, the
party reserved candidateship in eleven constituencies for persons appointed
by the leader. Four front runners in the primary elections in the remaining
constituencies would be subjected to various screening methods with the
final determination to be made by the party leadership. The detractors have
mocked the RFP’s approach as undemocratic and undermining the will of
the people. The party also experienced internal resistance that led to it being
taken to the law courts where some decisions were reversed. Using various
data collection methods, this paper discusses the strategies used by the RFP
and shows that much as they are not common in Lesotho, these strategies
are not entirely new in politics as they are used in other democratic systems.
An examination of the October 2022 elections results shows that despite
the court challenges, the RFP’s candidate selection strategies had a positive
impact on the party’s performance as well as on the profile of the resultant
National Assembly.

Tlohang W. LetsieVolume 22 Number 1, June 2023, , , english2023vol-21
The Impact of Intra-Party Conflicts on the Electoral Performance of the All Basotho Convention in Lesotho's 2022 Elections
The Impact of Intra-Party Conflicts on the Electoral Performance of the All Basotho Convention in Lesotho’s 2022 Elections

The literature on Lesotho’s politics and political parties, particularly after 2012, focuses on their alliances and coalitions, their relationships with the military and the seemingly instability of coalitions. There is less focus on intra-party instability and its impact on political party electoral performance. This article uses a critical literature review to analyse the poor electoral performance of the All Basotho Convention (ABC) in the October 2022 elections and how this is a consequence of its internal conflicts. The ABC experienced intra-party conflicts that increased with the removal of its leader, Prime Minister Thomas Thabane, in 2020. The argument advanced in this article is that the ABC experienced a dramatic decline in electoral support in October 2022, with the drastic loss of forty seats, as a result of its internal conflicts. The party’s support had grown gradually since its formation in 2006 but dropped suddenly and dramatically in the 2022 elections. This article will contribute to the scholarship on the analysis of the electoral performance of political parties in the …

Frank LekabaVolume 22 Number 1, June 2023, , , , , , lesotho2023vol-22
Ethics in Electoral Democracies: A Critical Reflection on Lesotho's 2022 Elections
Ethics in Electoral Democracies: A Critical Reflection on Lesotho’s 2022 Elections

This study is a critical reflection on how the positive impact of ethics in Lesotho’s political elections and democracy could be amplified for lasting peace and political stability. It is based on secondary data from available literature against the background of Lesotho’s existing, mixed-member proportional (MMP) electoral system. The MMP system has given birth to the political phenomenon of inconclusive electoral results and unstable coalition governments in recent years. This political phenomenon emanates from intra- and inter-party conflicts, which often led to undesirable and premature dissolutions of parliament and snap elections. Here, ethics should be understood as an essential component of a healthy process in electoral democracy and a practice necessary for rresting the enduring political instability in Lesotho.

Khali MofuoaVolume 22 Number 1, June 2023, , , , , , englishlesotho2023vol-22
Reasons For The Low Voter Turnout in Lesotho's 2022 Elections
Reasons For The Low Voter Turnout in Lesotho’s 2022 Elections

Voter turnout in Lesotho’s 2022 National Assembly elections was at an all-time low of 37%. Since the country returned to multi-party electoral democracy in 1993, voter turnout has steadily decreased. Studies have been undertaken in Lesotho and globally to investigate the reasons for this phenomenon. While the turnout in the 2022 elections is a continuation of the pattern of declining voter turnout in Lesotho and globally, factors specific to each election may provide further insight into this intractable problem. The purpose of this article is to critically analyse the main reasons for the low turnout in the 2022 elections. The study uses qualitative methodology: it relies on primary and secondary data sources such as reports, targeted interviews, newspapers and literature, and legislation. The paper uses Stockemerian clustering of turnout variables to contend that election-specific factors can help to explain the steep decrease in voter turnout in the 2022 elections in Lesotho. Those factors are poor civic and voter education, political fragmentation, and some institutionalist variables.

Paul Mudau and Hoolo ‘NyaneVolume 22 Number 1, June 2023, , , , , lesotho
Book Review: Politics, government and governance in Lesotho since 1993 by Francis K Makoa
Book Review: Politics, government and governance in Lesotho since 1993 by Francis K Makoa

Tom LodgeVolume 22 Number 1, June 2023englishlesotho
Two Decades of Democracy in Nigeria: Between Consolidation and Regression
Two Decades of Democracy in Nigeria: Between Consolidation and Regression

The year 1999 marked a watershed moment in the political history of Nigeria with the transition from military to civilian rule and the beginning of the Fourth Republic. Two decades later, the country has not only witnessed the longest period of civilian democratic rule but has also achieved a milestone with the alternation of power between the two dominant political parties. The augury, however, points to a democracy oscillating between consolidation and regression. This paper therefore interrogates two decades of democratisation in Nigeria in the context of the two main parties, the conduct of elections, and the level of representation of marginalised groups, particularly women. The paper contends that while it may be uncharitable to discount the incremental gains since the return to civil rule, the country is far from attaining the status of a consolidated democracy.

Kelvin Ashindorbe and Nathaniel DanjibVolume 21 Number 2 Oct 2022, , , , , nigeria2022
The Transformative Power of the Oromo Protests in Ethiopia: Resilience and Political Change
The Transformative Power of the Oromo Protests in Ethiopia: Resilience and Political Change

This article explores why the Oromo protests have transformed the Ethiopian political landscape since monstrators took the streets in November 2015. It also examines the relationship between the two pillars of the ruling Ethiopian
People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), ethnic federalism and developmentalism, and the Oromo protests. The study aims to illustrate the connection between the Ethiopian state’s fundamental strategies and the capacity of popular movements to bring about political change. The study has used a qualitative research approach with both primary and secondary data. Semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted and recorded with a voice recorder, and data was analysed through thematic analysis. The findings of the research show, first, that the securitisation of development strategy performed by the EPRDF triggered the protests. And second, that the primordial understanding of ethnicity, as defined in the Constitution, contributed to the articulation of the Oromo protests as a movement. The study concludes that the Oromo protests will pave the way for reform because they reflect the regime’s failures and also represent the demands of the larger part of Ethiopian society.

Aden Dejene Tolla and Alvaro Oliver RoyoVolume 21 Number 2, Oct 2022, , , , , ethiopia2022vol-21
Some are Empty Shells without Groundnuts: Social Construction of Female Political Candidates in Urban Masvingo, Zimbabwe
Some are Empty Shells without Groundnuts: Social Construction of Female Political Candidates in Urban Masvingo, Zimbabwe

In view of the low levels of women’s representation in political office in Zimbabwe after the 2018 elections, questions arise regarding whether young people can, or will support female candidates in future elections. The youth is seen as a critical group that may shape the future of politics in Zimbabwe. We conducted a qualitative study to explore the views young people have of female political candidates, through focus group discussions and indepth interviews with participants aged between 19 and 24 in the city of Masvingo. Drawing on social constructionism, poststructuralist feminism, and intersectionality analyses, the study found that young people in urban Masvingo have a predominantly negative perception of female candidates, although this is mediated by factors such as gender, class, sexuality, disability, and education. Nonetheless, some of the youth in Masvingo appear to be redefining or countering gendered societal norms and values, as they appear to accept women as political candidates.

Hellen Venganai and Charles DubeVolume 21 Number 2, Oct 2022zimbabwe2022vol-21
Information Controls and Internet Shutdowns in African Elections: The Politics of Electoral Integrity and Abuses of Power
Information Controls and Internet Shutdowns in African Elections: The Politics of Electoral Integrity and Abuses of Power

Internet shutdowns in Africa are becoming increasingly widespread, particularly when governments face competitive or contentious elections. They have also come to symbolise a widening fracture between competing conceptions of the global Internet and its regulation. Governments in Africa are justifying shutdowns as able address misinformation and disinformation, protect the election process, and ensure national security. International organisations, NGOs, and social networking platforms condemn these as an inadmissible form of censorship and information control, an abuse by political actors seeking to silence critics or manipulate elections. This article offers an alternative reading on internet shutdowns by placing them in the historical context of the wide range of information controls around elections, many of which are widely regarded as being acceptable and legitimate mechanisms to support competitive elections. By offering this context, we can ask what is new about shutdowns and whether they can ever be regarded as a proportionate response to real concerns of social media and election manipulation. We conclude by highlighting the inequalities of online content moderation as an often-overlooked factor in driving the use of shutdowns, and the failure of social media companies to effectively address misinformation and disinformation in Africa, particularly around elections.

Nicole Stremlau and Nathan DobsonVolume 21 Number 2, Oct 20222022
Gender Mainstreaming in Nigeria's 2019 General Elections: Evidence and Perspectives from Kano and Oyo states
Gender Mainstreaming in Nigeria’s 2019 General Elections: Evidence and Perspectives from Kano and Oyo states

Nigeria’s politics have been accused of gender imbalance since independence, and scholarship is replete with discussions of factors responsible for the low level of women’s participation and representation in politics, and women’s poor showing in electoral contests. Most studies of women’s political participation in Nigeria have taken a unidirectional approach of analysing or discussing women’s marginalisation in both appointive and elective offices. This study replaces the unidirectional approach with a multidirectional and multistakeholder analysis of the gender mainstreaming effort in Nigeria’s 2019 general election. With a focus on Kano and Oyo states, we argue that increased gender consciousness has not translated to any significant improvement in women’s representation in politics, thus implying that mainstreaming gender is of no effect if women’s participation in politics does not translate to a substantial representation of women in both number and influence.

Sharon Adetutu Omotoso and David Uchenna EnweremaduVolume 21 Number 2, Oct 2022, , nigeria2022 2019vol-21
Elections and Electoral Processes in Somaliland: A Fading Democracy
Elections and Electoral Processes in Somaliland: A Fading Democracy

After declaring its independence from Somalia in 1991, Somaliland has built
a system to deliver basic services to its citizens. Despite having relatively
good security, Somaliland has to date received no international recognition.
With the presidential term extension made by the House of Elders (the
Guurti) in October 2022, politics in Somaliland is at fever pitch. Public
demonstrations, sporadic clashes, mass arrests, and hate speech add to a
general sense of political disorder. Several factors have shaped the current
outlook for democracy in Somaliland, including clan politics, a rent-seeking
mentality, and weak institutional and legal frameworks. This study seeks
to emphasise the contentious way in which elections have been held in
Somaliland, and which have led to a loss of confidence in the country. The
results, as witnessed in the 2017 presidential election, led to disputes, mass
protests, and loss of life. Election time in Somaliland has therefore been
a cause of concern for both political parties and the Somaliland Election
Commission. In the battle for political leadership, the pre- and post-electoral
aftermath has become conventional. But the main victim of the battle for
political leadership has been the Somaliland Election Commission which is
torn between contesting political parties.

Hamdi I. AbdulahiVolume 21 No 2, Oct 2022, , , , , 2022vol-21
JAE Volume 21 Number 2 Oct 2022 [Entire Journal]
JAE Volume 21 Number 2 Oct 2022 [Entire Journal]

2022vol-21
Covid-19 Pandemic and Electoral Participation in Africa: Likelihood of Ugandans Voting in the 2021 'Pandemic Elections'
Covid-19 Pandemic and Electoral Participation in Africa: Likelihood of Ugandans Voting in the 2021 ‘Pandemic Elections’

The COVID-19 pandemic wreaked havoc on political dynamics, as it did on other aspects of human life. The outbreak of the pandemic in 2020 almost brought the world to a standstill. This was mainly due to pandemic mitigation measures put in place, including social distancing. These actions greatly affected all levels of human interaction – politically, socially, and economically. Politically, it meant minimal or no electoral activities, no local or international face-to-face meetings, and the abuse of power. The restrictions saw elections postponed indefinitely in some countries, rescheduled or delayed in others, or held with minimal interaction elsewhere. Uganda is one of the few African countries that went ahead with holding elections in 2021 amid the pandemic. The study sought to examine and contribute to the broader understanding of the effects of COVID-19 on electoral participation by analysing available literature, Uganda’s electoral laws and reports, and Afrobarometer survey data collected in Uganda before and during the pandemic. The focus was on individual-level predictors of voting intentions by Ugandans: demographic, political, social, and economic. Descriptive and inferential analyses were performed on citizens’ likelihood of voting. The results demonstrate that party affiliation/identification and ethnic/regional identity are the strongest predictors of the likelihood of voting during the …

Martin OswaldVolume 21 Number 2, Oct 2022, , , , , uganda2022 2021vol-21
BOOK REVIEW: Spoilt ballots: the elections that shaped South Africa, from Shaka to Cyril Michael Blackman and Nick Dall
BOOK REVIEW: Spoilt ballots: the elections that shaped South Africa, from Shaka to Cyril Michael Blackman and Nick Dall

Tom LodgeVolume 21 Number 2, Oct 20222022
An Assessment of Election Administration in Zambia, 1991-2011
An Assessment of Election Administration in Zambia, 1991-2011

The purpose of this study was to establish whether there had been an improvement in the governance of electoral processes in Zambia, in tandem with democratic principles, between 1991 and 2011. The study used interview material and secondary data on election administration activities gathered from Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) documents on electoral laws and regulations, as well as election monitors and observers’ reports. The investigation was centred on five core election administration activities, namely voter registration, monitoring funding of political parties, collaborating with the media, validating election results, and electoral conflict prevention and management. The article utilised the democratic governance theory and principles embedded in the principles for election management, monitoring and observation (PEMMO) to examine the performance of the ECZ in these five core election administration activities during the period under consideration. Based on the democratic gauge, the study found that the performance of the ECZ in election administration was worse between 1991 and 2006 but significant improvements were attained from 2006 to 2011. Subsequently, in 2016, the Constitution of Zambia was amended and the electoral laws were repealed and …

Hyden Munene, Rosemary Chiufya and John BwalyaVolume 21 Number 2, Oct 2022, , , , , zambia2022 2011vol-21
Zimbabwe’s post-2000 elections: More hotly Contested yet less Democratic than in the Past
Zimbabwe’s post-2000 elections: More hotly Contested yet less Democratic than in the Past

This article investigates Zimbabwe’s post-2000 elections, why they have been more hotly contested than previously, and whether they have been undemocratic. The post-2000 period marked what is arguably the most turbulent phase in the electoral history of the country since independence in 1980, and Zimbabwe’s elections were de facto degraded, becoming a means of sustaining incumbents in power. The paper asserts that Zimbabwe’s elections are mainly a front for hoodwinking both the electorate and observers. They are not used to provide for the free expression of the will of the people, but to endorsethe incumbents rather than effectively challenge them. To this extent, they are manipulated to produce a pre-determined outcome confirming the current leaders, irrespective of their performance. Supported by empirical data from interviews and primary sources together with statistical records from electoral institutions such as the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), the Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency (ZIMSTAT), and Afrobarometer, the article concludes that elections are mainly for show, to entrench the incumbents.

Mark NyandoroVolume 21 Number 1 Jun 2022, , , , , , , zimbabwe2022vol-21
South African Communists and Elections
South African Communists and Elections

In South Africa the Communist Party has a one-hundred-year history of contesting elections, making it the oldest electoral campaigner in Africa. South Africa’s elections were increasingly racially restrictive and segregated until 1994. Even so, from the mid-1920’s the Party began to focus on the concerns of its black membership though it continued to seek support from white workers. This article explores the Party’s reasons for continuing to participate in elections, and the circumstances that helped it achieve occasional victories at the polls. It also considers the effects of electoral participation on an ostensibly revolutionary …

Tom LodgeVolume 21 Number 1, Jun 2022, , , , , , , , 2022vol-21
The political participation of youth in Mozambique’s 2019 general elections
The political participation of youth in Mozambique’s 2019 general elections

This article discusses the political participation of youth in Mozambique’s electoral processes, specifically the 2019 general elections. The results were obtained through interaction (semi-structured interviews) with young members and institutional representatives from four political parties, who explained their views on youth and political participation during elections. The interviews were conducted between April and September 2021 through virtual platforms. We also carried out a detailed analysis of the manifestos of three political parties. The study finds that Mozambican political parties do not have a clear vision of young people’s aspirations, since the definition of the ‘youth problem’ is dominated by adults. In addition, young people’s issues have been generalised without considering the specific concept of what it means to be young. However, in order to maintain the social and economic benefits provided by their political parties, the same young people assume that adults continue to be an example to follow in guiding the destiny of the …

Dércio TsandzanaVolume 21 Number, 1 Jun 2022, , , 2022 2019vol-21
Judicialising party primaries: Contemporary Developments in Nigeria
Judicialising party primaries: Contemporary Developments in Nigeria

Cet article explore la judiciarisation des primaires des partis dans le Nigeria contemporain, qui constitue une caractéristique déterminante de la politique électorale du pays. Depuis la création de la Quatrième République, le manque de démocratie interne au sein des partis a été à l’origine de crises prolongées lors des nominations, et cela dépend souvent de la sérénité des tribunaux. Les études dominantes en théorie juridique soutiennent que les primaires contestées sont des affaires internes au parti ; ils ne sont donc pas justiciables. S’appuyer sur des données primaires et secondaires – Entretiens sur YouTube, Constitution, loi électorale, décisions judiciaires, reportages médiatiques et observations personnelles – cet article soutient que dans la mesure où les partis politiques sont des entités juridiques, les élections primaires contestées sont justiciables, d’où une question juridique qui doit être résolue par le judiciaire. Pour valider notre argument, l’article s’appuie sur la notion de compétence universelle et obligatoire de Raphaël (1970). Notre enquête révèle que l’incapacité des mécanismes internes des partis à résoudre les primaires contestées explique pourquoi les candidats lésés ont eu recours à des recours légaux. Bien que cette approche ait été remise en question d’un point de vue légaliste, la constitutionnalité de la demande de réparation juridique trouve son origine dans le changement de régime juridique régissant les primaires des partis, qui a façonné, remodelé et eu un impact positif sur la démocratie électorale au Nigeria.

Martin Ihembe and Christopher IsikeVolume 21 Number, 1 Jun 2022, , , , nigeria2022vol-21
Free, Fair and Credible? An Assessment of Kenya's 2017 Election
Free, Fair and Credible? An Assessment of Kenya’s 2017 Election

Periodic, free, fair, and credible elections are one of the undisputed principles
of liberal democracy. Kenya embraced multiparty democracy at independence
in 1963 and has since used periodic elections as a means of selecting leaders to
office. Focusing on Kenya’s national election held on 8 August 2017, this paper
evaluates the fundamental requirements for a free, fair, and credible election. To
this end, the paper assesses Kenya’s electoral legal framework and its application
during the 2017 national elections. In addition, the paper uses primary data by
Afrobarometer to explore public opinion on the performance of the Independent
Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC), political parties, and the media
towards free, fair, and credible elections. This study finds that despite some
institutional challenges, Kenya’s 2017 national elections were conducted
under a comprehensive electoral legal framework and met the threshold of free,
fair, and credible as affirmed by the citizenry through Afrobarometer’s public
opinion survey. The positive assessment of universally accepted electoral practice
indicators by most of the people affirms that, notable challenges notwithstanding,
Kenya’s 2017 national elections were free, fair, and credible, thus endorsing the
legitimacy and authority of elected leaders. This argument is cognisant of the
election outcome as a fundamental factor in shaping public perception of freeness
and fairness in the electoral process.

Mercy Kathambi KaburuVolume 21 Number 1 Jun 2022, , , kenya2022 2017vol-21
Election Petition and the Future of Electoral Reforms in Ghana
Election Petition and the Future of Electoral Reforms in Ghana

The results of Ghana’s 2012 and 2020 elections were challenged in the nation’s
Supreme Court. Even though the court processes in both cases did not alter
the election results, they nevertheless exposed monumental flaws in the
electoral processes. The flaws in the 2012 electoral processes were exposed at
the Supreme Court and featured in the final judgment of the court in a manner
that allowed the Electoral Commission to initiate moves towards electoral
reforms. However, the challenges of the 2020 elections, though exposed at the
courts, were never featured in the final judgment of the Supreme Court. This
paper discusses the implications of the 2020 election petition for the future of
electoral reforms in Ghana. It argues that the rigid application of the letter
of the law by the Supreme Court and the relegation to the background of the
thorny issues of electoral challenges in the 2020 elections, would render the
quest for further electoral reforms difficult. This would then make the future
of any attempt to fine-tune the electoral processes quite bleak.

Ransford Edward Van Gyampo, Akpeko Agbevade and Emmanuel GrahamVolume 21 Number 1 Jun 2022, , ghana2022vol-21
JAE Volume 21 Number 1 Jun 2022 [Entire Journal]
JAE Volume 21 Number 1 Jun 2022 [Entire Journal]

Tom Lodge, Martin Ihembe, Christopher Isike, Mercy Kathambi Kaburu, Mark Nyandoro, Dércio Tsandzana, Ransford Edward Van Gyampo, Akpeko Agbevade, Emmanuel …

Volume 21 Number, 1 Jun 20222022vol-21
BOOK REVIEW: The Moral Economy of Elections in Africa: Democracy, Voting and Virtue
BOOK REVIEW: The Moral Economy of Elections in Africa: Democracy, Voting and Virtue

Nic Cheeseman, Gabrielle Lynch and Justin WillisVolume 21 Number 1, Jun 20222022
Book Review: Marriages of Inconvenience: The Politics of Coalitions in South Africa
Book Review: Marriages of Inconvenience: The Politics of Coalitions in South Africa

Roger SouthallVolume 21 Number 1, Jun 20222022
Book review: Democracy and Electoral Politics In Zambia
Book review: Democracy and Electoral Politics In Zambia

Tom LodgeVolume 21 Number 1, Jun 20222022
Book Review: Study of Coalitions and their Implications for Governance
Book Review: Study of Coalitions and their Implications for Governance

Roger SouthallVolume 21 Number 1, Jun 20222022
Women's Representation in Lesotho's Legislative Bodies: A Politico-Legal Analysis of the Effectiveness of Electoral Gender Quotas
Women’s Representation in Lesotho’s Legislative Bodies: A Politico-Legal Analysis of the Effectiveness of Electoral Gender Quotas

Women are under-represented in legislative bodies in the majority of
countries, and Lesotho is no exception to this worldwide trend. In an
attempt to address this problem, the country has adopted, through electoral
laws, electoral gender quota systems for both local and national legislative
structures. The country has introduced a 30% gender quota requirement
for election to the local councils at the local level. At the national level, it
introduced a ‘zebra list’ – the condition that when political parties submit
lists for the purposes of 40 proportional representation (PR) seats in the
National Assembly, the names must alternate between those of men and
women. The idea was to attain 50% representation of women in the National
Assembly, at least for the 40 PR seats. The effectiveness of these two quota
systems in enhancing women’s representation has been the subject of
intense disagreement. The animating question is whether, since the adoption
of gender quotas, the representation of women in legislative bodies has
improved. The article investigates this question using the qualitative content
analysis method. The central hypothesis is that electoral gender quotas in
Lesotho, particularly at the national level, have not significantly improved
the representation of women. The paper critiques the models used and makes
some recommendations for reform.

Hoolo ‘Nyane & Mamello RakolobeVolume 21 Number 1, Jun 2022, , , , , , lesotho2021vol-21
A Silent Revolution: Zambias 2021 General Election
A Silent Revolution: Zambias 2021 General Election

This paper discusses Zambia’s 2021 election which was held in a context
of democratic backsliding and poor economic performance. The election
resulted in Zambia’s third alternation of power between political parties
since the democratic wave of the 1990s. The ruling Patriotic Front (PF)
used its incumbent advantages to control institutions that were crucial for
promoting democracy and ensuring a credible election. The election was also
characterised by political violence which limited the ability for the opposition
United Party for National Development (UPND) to mobilise freely. Further,
an Afrobarometer survey conducted in December 2020 showed that half of all
citizens surveyed were unwilling to declare who they would vote for, thereby
suppressing the extent of UPND’s support. Yet, the UPND won 59% in the
presidential election and won the most parliamentary seats in an election that
had one of the highest voter-turnouts since the advent of Zambia’s multi-party
democracy. This paper argues that there was a ‘silent revolution’ in Zambia
that resulted in the defeat of the PF. It also shows that Zambian citizens have
not been complacent in the face of democratic backsliding

Hangala SiachiwenaVolume 20 Number 2, Oct 2021, , , , , , zambia2021vol-20-volumes
The Rural Electorate in Zimbabwe's Elections 1980-2018: Consciousness and Voting Preferences
The Rural Electorate in Zimbabwe’s Elections 1980-2018: Consciousness and Voting Preferences

This article analyses rural electorate consciousness and urban voting
preferences during Zimbabwe’s elections from 1980 to 2018. The article gives
agency to the rural dwellers in elections, contrary to the general perception
of a captured rural voter and liberal urban voter. To analyse rural voters’
electoral consciousness, the paper uses primary sources (electoral statistical
records), oral interviews (notwithstanding the prevailing COVID-19
lockdown environment) and secondary literature to derive research data. The
data helps to determine the differences between urban and rural ideologies,
culture and ethics which manifest in the political party preferences of the
social groups in the two geographical spaces. The paper concludes that rural
dwellers tended to support the ruling party at elections, though they were
more vulnerable to political patronage and seemingly forced participation
in electoral processes than the urban voters. Nonetheless, complex cultural,
economic, social and historic factors compelled them to participate in elections
more than their urban counterparts. Thus, rural voters can be viewed as
conscious participants in electoral processes with varied, albeit mobilised
participation and political ideologies.

Terence Tapiwa Muzorewa and Mark NyandoroVolume 20 Number 2, Oct 2021, , , , , , zimbabwe2021 2018vol-20-volumes
The Plough and the Kalashnikov: Ethiopia After the Elections - and Tigray
The Plough and the Kalashnikov: Ethiopia After the Elections – and Tigray

No Excerpt

Greg MillsVolume 20 Number 2 , Oct 2021, , , , ethiopia2021vol-20-volumes
Party Nominee or Independent Candidate? Examining Electoral Reforms and the Use of Digital Technologies for Voter Participation in South Africa
Party Nominee or Independent Candidate? Examining Electoral Reforms and the Use of Digital Technologies for Voter Participation in South Africa

This article discusses electoral reforms and the use of digital technologies
for voter participation in South Africa. The study employed focus group
discussions and in-depth interviews through semi-structured questions
to engage with voters and politicians. Informed by theories on politics and
technology, the articles notes that the current electoral system has advantages
and disadvantages, though it can be enhanced by the inclusion of a mixed
proportional or constituency-based electoral system whereby voters elect
political party candidates or independent candidates to represent their
constituencies. The article argues that digital technologies alone cannot
enhance voter participation without electoral policies that promote voter
participation in the candidate selection processes for provincial and national
elections. The article further highlights the fact that the use of digital
technologies and a mixed electoral system are desirable for maximum citizen
participation in national and provincial elections. However, some political
parties enjoying dominance in the multi-party democracy might perceive
reform as unfavourable. The article concludes that consensus and political
will are fundamental to harness all progressive electoral reforms and digital
tools for sustainable democracy.

Limukani MatheVolume 20 Number 2, Oct 2021, , , , , 2021vol-20-volumes
The Nullification of the 2019 Presidential Election in Malawi: A Judicial Coup d'Etat?
The Nullification of the 2019 Presidential Election in Malawi: A Judicial Coup d’Etat?

In February 2020, the High Court of Malawi nullified the May 2019
presidential election and ordered a fresh election. This judgment was later
confirmed by the Malawi Supreme Court of Appeal. These two judgments
are monumental and unprecedented because this was only the second time
a presidential election had been judicially nullified in Africa. The fresh
presidential election also scored a first in Africa when it was won by an
opposition candidate. These judgments carved new terrain for electoral
law in Malawi and divided legal and political opinion. This paper offers a
critical analysis of the two judgments. It focuses on the court’s treatment of
the burden and standard of proof in electoral disputes; the interpretation of
‘majority’ to mean 50% + 1; and the effect of the nullification of the 2019
presidential election and consequential transitional issues. Overall, the
paper concludes that while the outcome of the litigation garnered plaudits,
the reasoning in the two judgments is not wholly persuasive.

Mwiza Jo Nkhata, Anganile Willie Mwenifumbo and Alfred MajamandaVolume 20 Number 2, Oct 2021, , , 2021 2019vol-20-volumes
JAE Volume 20 Number 2 Oct 2022 [Entire Journal]
JAE Volume 20 Number 2 Oct 2022 [Entire Journal]

Volume 20 Number 2, Oct 20212021vol-20-volumes
The 2020 Chadema Special Seats Dispute in Tanzania: Does the National Electoral Commission Comply with the Law
The 2020 Chadema Special Seats Dispute in Tanzania: Does the National Electoral Commission Comply with the Law

This article focuses on the CHADEMA dispute regarding the selection of its 19 women to special parliamentary seats after the completion of the 2020 general elections in Tanzania. It argues that the dispute is caused by the failure of the National Electoral Commission (NEC) to provide political parties with a uniform and transparent modality for the selection of women to special seats against the requirement of Article 81 of the 1977 Constitution. The NEC’s failure has led to modalities of implementing women’s special seats that are incompatible with the international standards governing ‘Temporary Special Measures’ (TSM). This has led to conflict, the marginalisation and discrimination of women in special seats, ridicule of the special seats system, and a slow transition of women from special to constituency seats. The article provides suggestions on how the special seats system could be reviewed and repositioned to achieve its intended objectives.

Victoria LihiruVolume 20 Number 2, Oct 2021tanzania2021 2020vol-20-volumes
Zimbabwe's 2018 Harmonised Elections: An Assessment of Credibility
Zimbabwe’s 2018 Harmonised Elections: An Assessment of Credibility

Zimbabwe’s 2018 Harmonised Elections: An Assessment Of Credibility
This paper assesses the credibility of Zimbabwe’s 2018 harmonised elections
using an electoral cycle approach, arguing that the free expression of voters’
choice is a sine qua non for credibility. A study of Election Observer Missions’
reports (EOMs), media reports, and observation in relation to the 2018
elections, points to inadequate legal reforms; questionable independence and
impartiality of the Elections Management Body (EMB); media bias; partisan
distribution of aid; abuse of state resources; vote buying; partisan involvement
of traditional leaders and of the military; intimidation; and suspicious results
management. The paper concludes that the 2018 harmonised elections did
not pass the credibility test owing to the cumulative effect of structural
inadequacies. There is thus a need to comprehensively reform Zimbabwe’s
electoral laws, improve elections administration, and ensure a level playing
field for contestants by addressing the political environment within which
elections are held.

Rekai RusingaVolume 20 Number 1, Jun 2021englishzimbabwe2021 2018vol-20-volumes
Voting Rights of Zimbabweans in the Diaspora
Voting Rights of Zimbabweans in the Diaspora

The Constitution of Zimbabwe states that citizens who have reached the age
of 18 years may vote in local and national elections. However, the Electoral
Act states that only Zimbabwean citizens who are on diplomatic missions,
civil servants and members of the armed forces on external missions may vote
from abroad. This legal requirement effectively disenfranchises millions of
Zimbabwean citizens who live and work in other countries. Why the current
Zimbabwean authorities do not allow or enable their citizens to vote from
abroad in Zimbabwe’s national elections is contentious, especially ahead of
the 2023 general elections. This article uses the desktop approach to argue
that the right to vote in one’s country of origin by citizens working and living
abroad is a barometer of a nation’s deepening democratic practices, of which
elections are a lynchpin. This study hopes to contribute to international
human rights law. A study of voting from abroad contributes to discussions
regarding the evolving and multifaceted relationship between sending states
and their diaspora communities.

Maurice Taonezvi VambeVolume 20 Number 1, Jun 2021, , , , , zimbabwe2021vol-20-volumes
South Africa's 2016 Municipal Elections: How the ANC and DA Leveraged Twitter to Capture the Urban Vote
South Africa’s 2016 Municipal Elections: How the ANC and DA Leveraged Twitter to Capture the Urban Vote

This paper focuses on how South Africa’s governing party, the African
National Congress (ANC), and main opposition, the Democratic Alliance
(DA), leveraged microblogging site Twitter. This was part of their urban
election campaign arsenal in the 2016 local government elections (LGE) to
promote party-political digital issue ownership within an urban context.
Using each party’s corpus of 2016 election-related tweets and election
manifestos, this three-phased grounded theory study found that each party
used Twitter as a digital political communication platform to communicate
their election campaigns. The DA notably leveraged the social networking
site more for intense focused messaging of its negative campaign against the
ANC while simultaneously promoting positive electoral messages around
its own core issues and metro (urban) mayoral candidates. Furthermore,
battleground metros were identified, narrow-cast and subsequently audience segmented by the party in Ekurhuleni, Johannesburg, Tshwane (in Gauteng)
and Nelson Mandela Bay (in the Eastern Cape). This led to an emphasised
campaign to either activate the party’s own urban support base and/or to
suppress the ANC’s turnout in these highly-contested areas. The results of
this study further indicate that the ANC and DA both used Twitter to claim
explicit and implicit digital party-political issue ownership in the 2016 LGE.

Ronesh Dhawraj, Danie du Plessis and Charmaine du PlessisVolume 20 Number 1, Jun 2021, , , , , , , englishsouth-africa2021 2016vol-20-volumes
Social Media Penetration, Party Politics and Elections in Tanzania: Emerging Practices and Challenges
Social Media Penetration, Party Politics and Elections in Tanzania: Emerging Practices and Challenges

Tanzania has witnessed an increased use of social media in political party
campaigning over the last decade. Use of social media was nonetheless
curtailed by a changing techno-political framework regulated by acts relating
to cybersecurity and statistics. This study was guided by two hypotheses:
firstly, that despite restrictive cybersecurity laws, social media in recent years
has been effectively institutionalised as a new civic cyberspace for political
party campaigns during elections. Secondly, increasing use of social media
in elections has had a transformative effect on the way party structure was
organised to conduct political mobilisation, promote party ideology and both
inter- and intra-party interaction, and for fundraising. The study interviewed
party members and leaders from five political parties which participated in
the 2015 and 2020 general elections and concluded that social media had a
transformative effect on core political party campaign activities.

Christopher Simeon AwiniaVolume 20 Number 1, Jun 2021, , , tanzania2021vol-20-volumes
Exploring the Socio-Demographic Distribution of Independent Swing Voters in Ghana
Exploring the Socio-Demographic Distribution of Independent Swing Voters in Ghana

Ghana has become a two-party state by default, with the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and the New Patriotic Party (NPP) emerging as the only political parties with sufficient national appeal to win elections and form governments. Through the power of the ballot, each of them has had the chance of being in government as well as serving as the official opposition. Notwithstanding their dominance in Ghana’s democratic politics, neither party has the support of more than forty percent of the country’s electoral population. This leaves a significant proportion of the electorate unaligned to any political party. Given that candidates in presidential elections in Ghana can only win with more than 50% of valid votes cast, swing voters undoubtedly hold the balance of power. Yet, scholarly attention to this category of voters in emerging democracies has been marginal. Using a Ghana national opinion poll survey conducted in 2019 in which 27% of respondents self-identified as independent voters, this paper explores the social and demographic characteristics of these voters. The result is surprising and indicates that the regions and ethnic categories considered as strongholds of the two major parties also hold the highest proportion of independent swing …

Michael Kpessa-WhyteVolume 20 Number 1, Jun 2021, , , , , englishghana2021vol-20-volumes
Elections, Legitimacy and Democratic Consolidation in Southern Africa: Lessons from Zambia, Zimbabwe and Malawi
Elections, Legitimacy and Democratic Consolidation in Southern Africa: Lessons from Zambia, Zimbabwe and Malawi

Regular elections are now the norm across most of sub-Saharan Africa,
but repeated elections have not guaranteed the consolidation of democracy.
Election legitimacy is crucial for democratisation. When losing political
actors and their supporters are not satisfied with the electoral process, there
is potential for growing political tensions. Fraudulent or controversial
elections fail to confer legitimacy on the winners, and undermine the
integrity of elections and democracy. Drawing on Afrobarometer data and
media accounts, this paper focuses on the most recent elections held in three
southern African countries: Zambia, Zimbabwe and Malawi. We show that
when citizens believe that elections were not free and fair, there is a decline
in their satisfaction with democracy and the trust they have in institutions
such as electoral commissions and courts of law. The absence of political
reforms to address disputed election outcomes increases the likelihood that
future elections will not be contested fairly. This sets countries on a path of
democratic decline rather than consolidation.

Hangala Siachiwena and Chris SaundersVolume 20 Number 1, Jun 2021, , , , , , 2021vol-20-volumes
Journal of African Elections Vol. 20 No. 1 June 2021 [Entire Journal]
Journal of African Elections Vol. 20 No. 1 June 2021 [Entire Journal]

Volume 20 Number 1, Jun 20212021
Collapsing Electoral Integrity in Mozambique
Collapsing Electoral Integrity in Mozambique

Excessive secrecy has always compromised the integrity of Mozambique’s
elections. The National Elections Commission secretly changes results with
no records kept nor any public notice that changes have been made. The
official final results of the 2019 elections were changed three times by the
Constitutional Council with no comment and identical document numbers.
The political parties want a politicised electoral machine with party nominees
to all electoral bodies, and integrity has steadily declined. By 2018–9 elections
had become dominated by the ruling party, Frelimo, which was able to openly
change the outcome of municipal elections and create 329 430 ghost voters
in the national elections. Civil society observers had become an important
check on elections; but in 2019, independent observation was blocked in
several provinces and the head of civil society observation in one province
was assassinated by a police hit squad. The judiciary, which ordered a rerun
in one town in the 2013 municipal elections, has become politicised and will
no longer intervene. This paper is an empirical account of those events.

Joseph HanlonVolume 20 Number 1, Jun 2021, , , , , englishmozambique2021vol-20-volumes
Biometric Technologies and the Prospect of Sustainable Democracy in Africa
Biometric Technologies and the Prospect of Sustainable Democracy in Africa

The paper interrogates the prospect of attaining sustainable democracy in
Africa using biometric technology (BT) for elections. Technology has become
relevant in virtually every aspect of human endeavour, including election
management and democratic development. In Africa, BT has also been
deployed to improve the quality of elections and democracy. Using document
analysis and review of relevant literature, findings indicate that to a large
extent, BT is charting the path for sustainable democracy in Africa. However,
the deployment of BT for African elections still faces serious challenges such
as its high cost, inability to address some forms of electoral fraud, and lack
of technical know-how. The paper concludes that the cultivation of political
will to improve the quality of elections is important in order to address the
current challenges of using BT in African elections and increase the prospect
of attaining sustainable democracy.

Harrison Adewale IdowuVolume 20 Number 1, Jun 2021, , , , englishafrica2021vol-20-volumes
Succession Politics and State Administration in Africa: The Case of Zimbabwe
Succession Politics and State Administration in Africa: The Case of Zimbabwe

The paper is a critical inquiry into the influence of succession politics on
state administration in Africa, with particular reference to Zimbabwe, and
unpacks the interactive boundaries and conceptual overlaps in this field.
This study was based on 18 qualitative in-depth interviews conducted with
key informants using the purposive sampling technique, complemented by
extensive document review. The findings of the study show that succession
politics in Africa includes executive dominance, egocentrism and excessive
appointive powers. These are compounded by the lack of an institutional
framework of succession, which in turn undermines the professional
independence of the bureaucracy and inhibits the pursuit of comprehensive
governance. The findings also isolate Zimbabwe as a victim of political,
societal and historical factors that exacerbate the succession dilemma. In its
recommendations, the paper argues that the succession challenge faced by the
continent, in particular Zimbabwe, will continue to hound succession trends
and responsive administration unless broad-based reforms are instituted to
dismantle the historical legacies embedded in the political systems.

Arthur Fidelis Chikerema and Ogochukwu NzewiVolume 19 Number 2, Oct 2020, , , , zimbabwe2020vol-19
Prisoners' Right to Vote in Uganda: Comment on Kalali Steven v Attorney General and the Electoral Commission
Prisoners’ Right to Vote in Uganda: Comment on Kalali Steven v Attorney General and the Electoral Commission

Article 59 of the Constitution of Uganda (1995) provides for the right to
vote. Although the Constitution does not prohibit prisoners from voting, the
Uganda Electoral Commission has never made arrangements for prisoners
to vote. On 17 June 2020, in the case of Kalali Steven v Attorney General
and the Electoral Commission, the Ugandan High Court held that prisoners
and Ugandans in the diaspora have a right to vote and that the Electoral
Commission should put in place arrangements for them to vote. Uganda
will have elections in 2021. The purpose of this article is to suggest practical
ways in which the Electoral Commission can comply with the High Court
judgement. It is argued, inter alia, that there is no need for legislation to be
enacted or amended to give effect to the High Court judgment.

Jamil Ddamulira MujuziVolume 19 Number 2, Oct 20202020vol-19
The History of Elections in Ghana, Kenya and Uganda: What We Can Learn from These "National Exercises"
The History of Elections in Ghana, Kenya and Uganda: What We Can Learn from These “National Exercises”

A large literature has described the years after independence from colonial
rule as a period of ‘departicipation’. Africa’s new rulers – whether driven by
personal venality or a sincere commitment to nation-building – swiftly gave
up on elections, or at best held elections that, by denying choice, left violence
as the central dynamic of African politics. This article draws on the cases
of Kenya, Ghana and Uganda in the late 1960s to argue that the emphasis
often placed on the ‘speed and ease’ of this process has been overstated.
Instead, Africa’s politicians and civil servants valued elections as a means to
educate and discipline the public, even as they feared their possible outcomes.
Building on a literature that focuses on the individual experience of elections
rather than the presence or absence of parties, we argue that the rhetoric of
politicians and civil servants shows that they saw elections as ‘exercises’ – a
revealing term – that would train and test their new citizens. Yet this is not
the whole story: voters understood their participation in their own terms
and played a role in how early experiments with elections played out. The
political closures of these years were real, but their course was unplanned
and contingent, shaped partly by popular involvement. These points are not
only of historical value, but also provide important insights into the extent to
which contemporary elections are instruments of elite power or the drivers
of democratisation.

Justin Willis, Nic Cheeseman and Gabrielle LynchVolume 20 Number 2, Oct 2021, , , , , , , ghana kenya uganda2021vol-20-volumes
The Impact of Cross-Boundary Electoral Demarcation Disputes in South Africa after 1994: The Case Study of Moutse
The Impact of Cross-Boundary Electoral Demarcation Disputes in South Africa after 1994: The Case Study of Moutse

The article investigates the impact of cross-boundary electoral demarcation
disputes between the Mpumalanga and Limpopo provinces after 1994. The
article further examines how the electoral demarcation disputes can be
resolved by negotiating with the dissatisfied communities. Moutse is located
within a community that straddles north-western Mpumalanga and southern
Limpopo provinces in South Africa. In 2005 the community members of
Moutse wards 5 and 6 were dissatisfied by the decision of the South African
national government, Limpopo and Mpumalanga provincial governments for
relocating them under a newly demarcated administrative boundary without
hearing the views of the community. The article used community dialogues
for its research. This approach is explained predominantly by qualitative
and quantitative approaches to indicate processes of data collection, to
explain the nature of the problem and explore the findings of communitybased research. The study reveals that violent disruptions and protests by
community members can be avoided if community voices are taken into
consideration. The article recommends that state institutions that support
constitutional democracy need to show the administrative and political
will to transform electoral demarcation challenges and implement effective
democratic principles. In conclusion, advanced institutional planning and
its transparent application must be emphasised.

Beauty Vambe and Sipho MantulaVolume 19 Number 2, Oct 2020south-africa2020vol-19
JAE Volume 19 Number 2, Oct 2020 [Entire Journal]
JAE Volume 19 Number 2, Oct 2020 [Entire Journal]

2020
Covid-19, Fourth Industrial Revolution and the Future of Elections in Africa
Covid-19, Fourth Industrial Revolution and the Future of Elections in Africa

The initial focus of this study was on exploring the potential impact of
the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) on future elections in Africa. The
Fourth Industrial Revolution is fundamentally changing the way we live,
work and relate to one another. In its scale and complexity, 4IR could change
humanity and human existence as we presently know it. The suddenness
with which the novel coronavirus pandemic has shut down life across the
globe, including the cancellation and postponement of scheduled elections,
led to a realignment of the research goals. The study thus includes ways in
which 4IR and unforeseen global emergencies like pandemics can impact
future elections, with specific reference to Africa.

Joseph Olusegun Adebayo, Blessing Makwambeni and Colin ThakurVolume 19 Number 2, Oct 2020, , , , africa2020vol-19
Courts and the Mediation of Public Resource (Ab)use During Elections in Malawi
Courts and the Mediation of Public Resource (Ab)use During Elections in Malawi

The (ab)use of public resources during elections in Malawi is a recurrent phenomenon. The judicial mediation of the (ab)use of public resources has, however, not been extensive. In instances where courts have intervened, their pronouncements have done little to stem the practice, especially by incumbents. This paper interrogates the judicial regulation of the (ab)use of public resources during elections in Malawi. Among other things, it establishes that state media remains one of the most highly contested resources during elections. The paper demonstrates that the judicial understanding of public resources is narrow and may shield politicians from censure. In addition, political actors in Malawi seem interested in questioning the (ab)use of public resources only in the period immediately preceding polling without concern about any (ab)use during the rest of the electoral …

Mwiza Jo NkhataVolume 19 Number 2, Oct 2020, , , , , malawi2020vol-19
Challenges to the Single-Party Dominance of the African National Congress: Lessons from Kwazakhele
Challenges to the Single-Party Dominance of the African National Congress: Lessons from Kwazakhele

This article explores the challenges to the African National Congress (ANC) in its traditional stronghold of the Port Elizabeth working-class township of Kwazakhele. The authors argue that this area has been the embodiment of single-party dominance for decades. Using exit polling and a post-election survey, the article details the challenges to the ANC from both reduced voter turnout and rising support for the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF). The article concludes that the end of the ANC dominance in Kwazakhele in coming elections is possible but is not a foregone conclusion.

Janet Cherry and Gary PrevostVolume 19 Number 2, Oct 2020, , , , 2020vol-19
The Challenges and Opportunities of Web 2.0 Elections: The Case of Zimbabwe
The Challenges and Opportunities of Web 2.0 Elections: The Case of Zimbabwe

This study analyses different perspectives of the challenges and opportunities of using Web 2.0 technology with specific reference to Zimbabwe’s 2018 general elections. It discusses digital tools and resources such as social networking sites (SNSs) and biometric voter registration (BVR) for the management of the voters’ roll. The study includes in-depth interviews with several politicians and ZEC officials to discuss the challenges and opportunities of Web 2.0 in Zimbabwe’s elections. Informed by theoretical concepts on technology and politics, the study establishes that technology is not a panacea but can be used as an apparatus. This study concludes that political institutions in Zimbabwe should reach consensus that the country will not conduct another election until electoral reforms are implemented because technology alone cannot overcome political challenges. Thus, the election monitoring body should be sufficiently credible to ensure a free and fair election.

Limukani MatheVolume 19 Number 2, Oct 2020, , , zimbabwe2020vol-19
Campaign Communication in Nigeria's 2019 General Elections: Unfulfilled Party Pledges and Voter Engagement without a Social Contract
Campaign Communication in Nigeria’s 2019 General Elections: Unfulfilled Party Pledges and Voter Engagement without a Social Contract

Broken campaign promises challenge the sanctity of the electoral process in Nigeria. Six decades after political independence and six electoral cycles in the last two decades of the Fourth Republic, there are inadequate legal frameworks and a lack of political will to change the narrative. Ambushing the voters with plans of action on the eve of every election remains a constant ritual to legitimise party campaigns in both digital media and at heavily mobilised rallies, often with limited substance. The general purpose of this study is twofold. First, to provide analysis of campaign communication and the extent to which it influences the participation of citizens in the electoral process. Second, to investigate the electorate’s understanding of policy issues inherent in the 2019 election manifestos of the two dominant political parties, All Progressive Congress (APC) and People’s Democratic Party (PDP), and how other elements shape perception and trust in elected representatives/ government. The research design relies on sample surveys and in-depth interviews, and seeks to identify, within the context of an electoral cycle, why conversations between public office seekers and voters do not translate into a concrete social contract or generate time-bound inclusive …

Mike OmilusiVolume 19 Number 2, Oct 2020, , , nigeria2020 2019vol-19
Zuma versus Ramaphosa: Factors Influencing Party Choice of South Africans in the Run-up to the 2019 Elections
Zuma versus Ramaphosa: Factors Influencing Party Choice of South Africans in the Run-up to the 2019 Elections

The outcome of the 2016 local government elections in which the ANC lost substantial support, fuelled early speculation on not only the outcome of the 2019 general elections, but also on the factors which were likely to determine party support. Added to this was the deteriorating political and socio-economic situation in South Africa. Against this background, two national surveys were undertaken in October/November 2017 and October/ November 2018 to establish the factors at these particular times that were likely to influence the vote choice of South Africans. From both surveys it was found that South African voters increasingly base their choice of a party on rational considerations. Trust in the president was a particularly important predictor of voter choice. In the first survey, loss of trust in the president (Zuma) resulted in a loss of faith in the ANC and in support of the party; while in the second survey, the converse was true: an increase in trust in the president (Ramaphosa) reflected an increased trust in and support for the party. Other predictors of vote choice in both surveys include a desire for socio-economic well-being and hope for a better future; the fear of losing a social grant; age; and racialised party …

Yolanda Sadie and Leila PatelVolume 19 Number 2, Oct 2020, , , , south-africa2020 2019vol-19
Voting with the Shilling: The "Money Talks Factor" in Kenya's Public Policy and Electoral Democracy
Voting with the Shilling: The “Money Talks Factor” in Kenya’s Public Policy and Electoral Democracy

The influence of money in elections has become an important ingredient in
determining electoral outcomes worldwide. The use of money in political
activities has adversely affected the nature of public policy, governance,
competition, the rule of law, transparency, equity and democracy. Although
there are laws, policies and guidelines governing the use of money during
elections, there is little political will to implement them. This paper examines
how money, or the lack thereof, determines electoral outcomes in multi-party
democracies with a focus on Kenya, employing both the hydraulic theory and
the push-and-pull paradigm. The study found that in most cases, victory in
elections follows those with money; in other cases, it is the potential for victory
that attracts money from self-interested donors. The study calls on electoral
bodies such as the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission to
honour their mandate and demand compliance with set laws and regulations
in a bid to entrench governance and create a level playing field for contestants.

Wilson Muna and Michael OtienoVolume 19 Number 1, Jun 2020kenya2020vol-19
South Africa's Democracy: The Quality of Political Participation over 25 Years eisa
South Africa’s Democracy: The Quality of Political Participation over 25 Years eisa

L’Afrique du Sud a réalisé des progrès considérables depuis 1994 dans l’institutionnalisation et la consolidation de la qualité de sa démocratie. Cependant, des problèmes graves et persistants de gouvernance et des problèmes socio-économiques ont provoqué la colère et la frustration de la population et motivé une augmentation des actions de protestation par le biais de canaux conventionnels et moins conventionnels. La possibilité pour les citoyens de participer au processus politique est essentielle pour une démocratie saine. Il est donc important que des procédures et des mécanismes appropriés soient en place. lieu pour faciliter cette participation. En utilisant la méthodologie de la qualité de la démocratie, le document aborde plusieurs questions importantes, à savoir : dans quelle mesure les opportunités de participation conventionnelle sont-elles développées en Afrique du Sud, et dans quelle mesure sont-elles exploitées ? et quelles formes non conventionnelles de participation existent et quelle est la réponse du gouvernement ? En abordant ces questions, cet article explore le lien entre citoyenneté active et participation politique.
au cours des 25 dernières années en vue de vérifier la qualité de la participation politique de l’Afrique du Sud.

Victoria GrahamVolume 19 Number 1, June 2020, , , , , south-africa2020vol-19
The Religious Factor in Nigeria's 2019 Presidential Election
The Religious Factor in Nigeria’s 2019 Presidential Election

This study analyses the nexus between religion and political behaviour in Nigeria’s 2019 presidential election, and the effect on voting behaviour and patterns across the country. The extent of religious cleavages remains substantial and has not diminished over the years. These cleavages follow the Christian/Muslim divide, aside from the denominational differences in Europe and America or the ethnic pluralism in many African states. The impact of indigenous African religions is negligible because there are too many for consideration. This article therefore contributes to the recent resurgence of interest in religion and politics, with the fundamental research question being: does democracy need religion? The paper infers that Nigeria’s nascent democracy must promote a secular state, particularly in the face of the deep ethnic and religious differences that are capable of bringing about a democratic reversal to autocracy and absolutism if not well …

Emmanuel O. OjoVolume 19 Number 1, Jun 2020, , , nigeria2020 2019vol-19
Political Finance and the 2019 General Elections in Nigeria
Political Finance and the 2019 General Elections in Nigeria

Money and politics are understandably inseparable because much democratic political activity is dependent on financial resources. This paper examines the effects of the unregulated use of money in political activities in Nigeria. Data for the conceptual and theoretical sections of the paper are drawn from historical and contemporary documents on people, economy and politics. This is complemented by the observation of events by the authors, together with content analyses of reports from primary data generated during the tracking of political finance in Nigeria’s recent general elections, particularly those of 2019. For its analytic framework, the paper utilises a combination of structural theory and the institutional …

Dhikru Adewale Yagboyaju and Antonia Taiye SimbineVolume 19 Number 1, Jun 2020, , , , nigeria2020 2019vol-19
Operational and Procedural Integrity of elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo
Operational and Procedural Integrity of elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo

Malpractice has affected the integrity of elections in the DRC in its three recent democratic electoral cycles: 2006, 2011, and 2018, particularly the last cycle. However, even though national and international media indicate that the degree of threats to electoral integrity is more critical in the DRC than the rest of Africa, the problems in the DRC are similar to those encountered in the rest of the continent. Moreover, in terms of election integrity the DRC may be better rated than many other African countries. This is particularly true of francophone Africa, as well as the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS)1 to which the DRC belongs. There are many good lessons learned from recent elections in the DRC which could inspire electoral authorities elsewhere in Africa and thus contribute to improving electoral integrity on the …

Tadjoudine Ali-DiabactéVolume 19 Number 1, Jun 2020, , , , , , , democratic-republic-of-congo2020vol-19
Ghana's 2016 Elections: An Overview of Selected Relevant Background Themes
Ghana’s 2016 Elections: An Overview of Selected Relevant Background Themes

Seven successive elections have been held in Ghana since 1992, most recently in 2016 when the country made a fourth attempt to embrace constitutional rule. A burgeoning literature provides explanations for the outcome of the 2016 election, which saw the defeat of the erstwhile incumbent National Democratic Congress and a landslide victory for the New Patriotic Party. Yet, little attention has been given to the various undercurrents, events, and significant background dynamics prior to the elections on 7 December. This research therefore provides a partially analytical but largely descriptive presentation of selected relevant issues that contributed to the build-up to the 2016 elections. The study situates the discourse within the broader context of Ghana’s democratisation, revealing how underlying phenomena possibly pose a threat to, and challenge the prospects of democratic consolidation. However, the conclusion indicates that the outcome of elections, which were deemed free and fair, should not be the only area of interest as the processes that lead to the elections are of great concern for a democracy. The work identifies several areas of concern, in particular Ghana’s electoral management, intra-party conflicts, unconventional aggression, vituperative outbursts and personal attacks, internal party elections, campaigns, how some chiefs violated a constitutional provision and outwardly portrayed partisanship, and brief issues concerning vote …

Isaac Owusu NsiahVolume 19 Number 1, Jun 2020, , , , , 2020 2016vol-19
Journal of African Elections Vol. 19 No 1, June 2020 [Entire Journal]
Journal of African Elections Vol. 19 No 1, June 2020 [Entire Journal]

Volume 19 Number 1, Jun 20202020
Opinion: The World Robert Mugabe Left Behind
Opinion: The World Robert Mugabe Left Behind

Stephen ChanVolume 18 Number 2, Oct 20192019
Using On-line Platforms to Observe and Monitor Elections: A Netnography of Mozambique
Using On-line Platforms to Observe and Monitor Elections: A Netnography of Mozambique

This article aims to understand the political impact of social networking platforms on the general elections in Mozambique held on 15 October 2014. It focusses on how electoral observation and monitoring were carried out in Mozambique using online tools, and is based on an ongoing research project exploring young people in politics in Mozambique through the internet. It uses a qualitative approach of both interviews and digital ethnography to sketch the landscape of online electoral observation in Mozambique. The positions here are the result of abstraction and generalisation – the particular positions of individuals or groups will only ever approximate these generalised positions, which are reconstructed from the complexity of everyday situated experience. As a preliminary conclusion, we have noted that the internet allows the emergence of new perspectives in political participation in Mozambique, despite its limited access to the …

Dércio TsandzanaVolume 18 Number 2, Oct 2019, , , 2019vol-18
Political Parties and Electoral Offences in Nigeria: A Critical Analysis
Political Parties and Electoral Offences in Nigeria: A Critical Analysis

The paper examines the Nigerian Constitution and Electoral Act 2010 (as amended) on the role and complicity of political parties in electoral offences in Nigeria. It explores the extent to which political party activities or inactions constitute or contribute to electoral offences. The objective is to find out whether political parties are complicit in electoral offences, and whether the Electoral Act needs to be reformed to accommodate political party culpability, reduce the criminal complicity of political parties, and improve political party accountability. The paper adopts a mixed method of normative and critical analysis. Normative analysis arises from examination of doctrinal data which consist of the principles of law, provisions of the Electoral Act 2010 and the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (CFRN) 1999 and other relevant laws regarding jurisprudence in democracy and constitutionalism, in order to determine their coherence and validity. Critical analysis, on the other hand, is applied to electoral and democratic principles in extant literature and policy in order to justify the necessity of reforming electoral laws. The paper finds that the Electoral Act is silent in many instances of potential political party complicity in electoral offences. However, the law could be reformed to improve political party accountability and reduce the incidence of electoral offences in Nigeria. It recommends some policy reforms and amendments to improve the effectiveness of the Electoral Act …

Bethel Uzoma Ihugba and Charles AlfredVolume 18 Number 2, Oct 2019, , , , nigeria2019vol-18
Manifesto Experiment and Internal Electioneering in the Botswana Democratic Party
Manifesto Experiment and Internal Electioneering in the Botswana Democratic Party

Written manifestos seem to be a rarity in intra-political party electioneering in Africa, and there is a view that African party electioneering is largely nonissue based, instead being personality-driven. This article observes that the phenomenon seems applicable even to Africa’s supposed ‘senior democracy’, Botswana. Yet, the enduring, issueless factional electioneering of the longruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) resulted in a significant, albeit one-off, interregnum in 2015. In the 2014 general elections, the combined opposition had garnered 53% of the popular vote, while the BDP received just 47%. The BDP managed to hold onto power, however, due to the country’s first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system. This development appears to have shaken and confused the elites of the BDP and caused concern among the party’s hard-line factionalists. Subsequently, Botsalo Ntuane did extremely well in the party’s 2015 central committee elections. In an unprecedented move he competed for the influential position of secretary general as an independent candidate and with an actual policy manifesto. This move was outside of the traditional factional sponsorship method long-dominant within the BDP. However, the factionalists soon regrouped and acted to marginalise him and his manifesto. Ntuane consequently performed quite poorly in the later 2017 elections, which once again were fought along strict factional lines with no space for ideas or policies. This article argues that Ntuane’s manifesto may have been perceived as too radical and unacceptably ambitious by the conservative party elites. This manifesto also seems to have threatened entrenched personal interests and corrupt practices within the BDP-led government. The article concludes with a note on the dynamics and results of the 2019 general …

Christian John MakgalaVolume 18 Number 2, Oct 2019, , , , 2019vol-18
Gambia's Billion Year President: The End of an Era and the Ensuing Political Impasse
Gambia’s Billion Year President: The End of an Era and the Ensuing Political Impasse

The Gambia’s presidential election in December 2016 marked the end of an era for Yahya Jammeh, the man who had vowed to rule the country for ‘one billion years if Allah says so’. The resulting political impasse following Jammeh’s rejection of the results ‘in its entirety’ and his refusal to step down plunged the country into political uncertainty. This paper explores the end of Jammeh’s 22-year rule in Africa’s smallest mainland country, focussing on the 2016 polls which he lost to former realtor, Adama Barrow. The election offers relevant lessons to students of political transitions and contemporary election discourse in Africa and provides an analysis of some of the factors that accounted for his …

Essa Njie and Abdoulaye SaineVolume 18 Number 2, Oct 2019, , , 2019vol-18
Facebook Image-Making in Zimbabwe's 2018 Election Campaigns: Social Media and Emerging Trends in Political Marketing
Facebook Image-Making in Zimbabwe’s 2018 Election Campaigns: Social Media and Emerging Trends in Political Marketing

This article explores changing political communication and marketing trends in Zimbabwe when presidential candidates used Facebook to reach out, largely to the youth and urban voters, during the 2018 election campaign. Recent studies have identified the power of social media as a platform on which politicians portray images that convince the electorate to vote for them. These images can be created through the photographs, video footage and texts that politicians post on their Facebook pages. The study employed a qualitative approach to establish the role played by political imagery used by contesting parties and candidates in the campaign period ahead of the 2018 elections in Zimbabwe, in particular the frontrunners and larger political parties. MDC-Alliance presidential candidate Nelson Chamisa and ZanuPF candidate Emmerson Mnangagwa were both serious contenders for the presidency. The analysis sheds light on the implications of image-making and modern political trends in Zimbabwe and how Facebook manages to reach out to the targeted …

Wishes Tendayi Mututwa, Oluyinka Osunkunle and Brenda MututwaVolume 18 Number 2, Oct 2019, , , , 2019 2018vol-18
Electoral Governance and Democratisation in Southern African Post-Conflict States: Electoral Management Bodies in Angola, Mozambique and South Africa
Electoral Governance and Democratisation in Southern African Post-Conflict States: Electoral Management Bodies in Angola, Mozambique and South Africa

Democratisation is a complex process that includes crafting political institutions. These institutions reflect existing power relations at the critical juncture of their genesis, thus influencing the development of subsequent political processes. The study uses this perspective to examine the impact of electoral governance on democratisation with a focus on three southern African post-conflict states. Specifically, the paper investigates the role of electoral management bodies (EMBs) in accounting for the distinctive regime trajectories in Angola, South Africa and Mozambique. The analysis suggests that successful attempts by incumbents to redesign EMBs after the founding elections have led to the establishment of self-serving institutions of electoral governance. This has had a negative impact on the credibility of subsequent electoral processes and the nature of the emerging regimes in the countries under …

Albano Agostinho TrocoVolume 18 Number 2, Oct 2019, , , , 2019
JAE Volume 18 Number 2, Oct 2019 [Entire Journal]
JAE Volume 18 Number 2, Oct 2019 [Entire Journal]

Volume 18 Number 2, Oct 20192019
Book Review: Election 2019: Change and Stability in South Africa's Democracy (Jacana Media)
Book Review: Election 2019: Change and Stability in South Africa’s Democracy (Jacana Media)

Ivor SarakinskyVolume 18 Number 2, Oct 20192019
Book Review: How to Rig an Election (Yale University Press)
Book Review: How to Rig an Election (Yale University Press)

Tom LodgeVolume 18 Number 2, Oct 20192019
The South African Elections: Incumbency and Uncertainty
The South African Elections: Incumbency and Uncertainty

The 2019 South African elections marked the country’s sixth iteration of free and fair electoral contests since its democratisation in 1994. Although the outcome gives the African National Congress (ANC) yet another five-year mandate, the party has not gone unchallenged at the polls. It registered its lowest national vote share since the transition, a major concern for the party of liberation. The most recent contest also demonstrates the resilience of the main opposition party, the Democratic Alliance (DA), and the continued upward trajectory of its closest rival, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF). In this article, we analyse available survey data on South Africans’ attitudes and offer some empirical answers to account for the election results. We argue that race continues to feature prominently in electoral decision-making but it does so in ways that deviate slightly from conventional wisdom. Further, we put forth an explanation that the parties’ leaders played a central role in shaping citizens’ voting behaviour, especially among their own partisan …

Robert Nyenhuis and Mattias KrönkeVolume 18 Number 2, Oct 2019, , , , 2019vol-18
Limits of Peace Journalism: Media Reportage of kenya''s 2017 General Elections
Limits of Peace Journalism: Media Reportage of kenya”s 2017 General Elections

In 2008, Kenya hovered on the brink of a war arising from the political violence that followed the general elections. In reportage akin to that of the infamous Rwandan genocide of 1994, the Kenyan media pitched the country’s different ethnoreligious groups against each other. The result was a wanton loss of lives and property, as well as a highly volatile socio-political climate. By 2013 when the country was about to conduct another general election, apprehension ran high amongst the populace. However, in what seemed like a sharp deviation from what had happened in 2008, media reportage of the election was more conflict-sensitive. Although there were pockets of irregularities, the 2013 election recorded less violence and the media was lauded as a key reason for that. In the 2017 election, the media was once again at the centre of public discourse, this time accused of sacrificing democracy in the cause of peace. Public observers accused the media of downplaying and/ or underreporting irregularities and outright election rigging for fear of a possible outbreak of violence. The argument by many journalists and media practitioners was that the media practised peace journalism. By analysing selected articles from Kenya’s mainstream media, this article examines peace journalism in its many complexities and contextual dynamics, in order to clarify the thin line between peace journalism and …

Joseph Olusegun Adebayo and Blessing MakwambeniVolume 18 Number 2, Oct 2019, , , , , kenya2019 2017vol-18
Free and Fair: Observation of Selected African Elections
Free and Fair: Observation of Selected African Elections

The first large-scale election observation was of Zimbabwe’s 1980 independence elections. Since then, election observation has become a regular worldwide feature and many international organisations, official agencies, and non-governmental organisations field observation teams. They all use similar methodologies, largely derived from the original 1980 model. A third of a century later, it may be time to consider whether the use of electoral observation has outlived its usefulness – or is itself being used to mask forms of electoral cheating. This paper considers five 21st century African elections – in Kenya (2007), Zimbabwe (2008, 2013 and 2018) and Zambia (2016), through the reflections of a pioneer of the 1980s observation …

Stephen ChanVolume 18 Number 1, Jun 2019, , , , 2019vol-18
Electoral Violence and Young Party Cadres in Zambia
Electoral Violence and Young Party Cadres in Zambia

Zambia’s 2016 general elections were a turning point in the country’s political history, with electoral violence threatening its democratic fabric. This paper analyses accounts of electoral campaigns by one private online newspaper, the Lusaka Times, to reflect on the relationship between electoral violence and young party cadres. Evidence from the study indicates that negative socioeconomic conditions, leadership manipulation and incentives as well as the perception of plural politics all contribute to the susceptibility of young people to electoral violence. The violence witnessed in 2016 included molestation and intimidation, seizure of public property, public disorder, vandalising of party property, lawlessness and aggressive rhetoric. The paper also notes that events of 2016 were counterweight to the consolidation of democracy as the activities of young party cadres undermined the free political participation of other …

Kabale Ignatius MukuntoVolume 18 Number 1, Jun 2019, , , zambia2019vol-18
Electoral Violence in Kenya 2007 - 2008: The Role of Vernacular Radio
Electoral Violence in Kenya 2007 – 2008: The Role of Vernacular Radio

This article examines how the shifts in vernacular radio narratives influenced intergroup relations during the 2007-08 electoral violence in Kenya. Using media as an analytical framework, together with original in-depth interview data collected over four months of fieldwork in 2010, the article explores how vernacular radio listeners in Kisumu, Eldoret, and Nyeri interpreted the 2007-08 electoral violence prior to, during, and after the event. It argues that the framing of electoral stakes and subsequent violence by vernacular radio stations is mainly between differentiated and concerted frames, depending on the stage at which the violence manifests itself. Differentiated frames reinforce divisive and/or rebellious attitudes, and are likely to increase intergroup competition and further violence along ethnic lines. Concerted framing underpins the perceived areas of common interest believed to transcend disparate group allegiances, and this establishes the possibility of intergroup dialogue and collaborative attitudes. These findings also highlight the central role of ethno-linguistic proximity and ethno-regional polity as potential drivers of vernacular radio frames, particularly in situations of electoral …

Philip OngunyVolume 18 Number 1, Jun 2019, , , , , 2019 2008 2007vol-18
Electoral Politics and Political Transition in Post-War Angola: Progress, Problems and Prospects
Electoral Politics and Political Transition in Post-War Angola: Progress, Problems and Prospects

The southern African nation of Angola was included in the third wave of democratisation which began rolling over the African continent in the late 1980s. Structural political and economic reforms, including multiparty elections, were introduced in Angola as part of a peace settlement designed to set the country on a path to effective democratisation. However, the resumption of the armed conflict in the aftermath of the country’s founding elections in 1992 blocked Angola’s transition towards the consolidation of a multiparty democratic dispensation. The end of the civil war in 2002 renewed hopes for normal democratic development through a return to electoral politics. Building on the conception of elections as both instruments of democracy and tools of authoritarian rule, this article examines the progress, problems and prospects for democratisation brought about by the resumption of electoral politics in post-war Angola. The analysis of the evidence gathered from qualitative secondary sources suggests that, since the end of the war in 2002, Angola has seen the establishment of electoral hegemony. The MPLA has total dominance of not only the electoral process – its rules, their implementation and adjudication – but also of electoral results, allowing the winner to rule unchallenged. This has subsequently been used to engender other types of political domination, including constitutional and central government hegemony, thus ensuring regime …

Albano Agostinho TrocoVolume 18 Number 1, Jun 2019, , , , angol2019vol-18
Journal of African Elections Vol 18 No 1, June 2019 [Entire Journal]
Journal of African Elections Vol 18 No 1, June 2019 [Entire Journal]

Volume 18 Number 1, Jun 20192019
Crimes Involving Dishonesty or Moral Turpitude in Malawi's Elections
Crimes Involving Dishonesty or Moral Turpitude in Malawi’s Elections

The Constitution of the Republic of Malawi disqualifies any person for election as president, vice president or member of parliament who has, within the last seven years, been convicted by a competent court of a crime involving dishonesty or moral turpitude. The Local Government Elections Act also disqualifies such a person from being elected as a councillor on similar grounds. In addition, once elected, these office holders can lose their seats on similar grounds. The question becomes, what are crimes involving dishonesty or moral turpitude? Worldwide, courts have struggled to define this amorphous concept. In Malawi, a few cases have been heard in both the High Court and the Supreme Court of Appeal to determine whether the offences in issue were crimes involving dishonesty or moral turpitude. The courts have labelled some offences as involving dishonesty or moral turpitude, in other instances have rejected this label and in yet others have avoided expressing an opinion one way or another. What is clear is that these words remain vague but will keep coming up in the courts for determination in relation to various offences. This paper is of the view that this disqualification is an unlawful limitation of various political rights guaranteed under section 40 of the Constitution. While exploring different approaches to clarify the phrase moral turpitude, it is ultimately recommended to simply scrap this disqualification from the law and to empower the electorate to freely choose whoever they …

Gift Dorothy MakanjeVolume 18 Number 1, Jun 2019, , , , , 2019vol-18
Biometric Election Technology, Voter Experience and Turnout in Ghana
Biometric Election Technology, Voter Experience and Turnout in Ghana

This study investigates the experiences of voters with election technologies such as the biometric system for voter registration and verification (BVRV), as well as whether such technologies affected both turnout and trust in Ghana’s 2012 and 2016 elections. The paper also explores whether the introduction of BVRVs increased or decreased levels of voter trust in the Electoral Commission (EC) and election outcomes. Using both primary and secondary data, the study found that the introduction of BVRV in election management in Ghana influenced the turnout for both the educated and the uneducated. While most of the former were eager to experience this novel approach, the same could not be said of the latter, less educated group. The study noted that state institutions do not take population diversity into consideration when introducing technological interventions. They take it for granted that citizens have the same capability, resulting in the marginalisation and neglect of a large section of the populace; this lack of trust in turn has a negative effect on voter turnout. The study recommends that such inequities in society should be taken into consideration when implementing interventions like BVRV in election management, specifically in Ghana but also in other African countries with similar socioeconomic and political …

Samuel Adams and William AsanteVolume 18 Number 1, Jun 2019ghana2019vol-18
Public Participation, Electoral Dispute and Conflict Resolution Mechanisms: The Case of Moutse, South Africa, Wards 5 and 6, 2013-2016
Public Participation, Electoral Dispute and Conflict Resolution Mechanisms: The Case of Moutse, South Africa, Wards 5 and 6, 2013-2016

This study examines the concept of public participation and the dispute resolution mechanisms that can be utilised to resolve electoral disputes and conflicts at the level of local government in South Africa. The study stems largely from community-based participatory action research, also referred to as café conversations. This research project was conducted in Moutse, Wards 5 and 6 of the Ephraim Mogale Local Municipality, a category B municipality that is the smallest of the four municipalities in the Sekhukhune district. It is a cross-border district that extends across the north west of Mpumalanga and the southern part of Limpopo. Sekhukhune is 94% rural and 5.3% urban and approximately 50% of the population are under the age of 18. Moutse comprises four villages: Mamaneng-Matatadimeng, Ga-Matlala Ramoshebo, Mokgwaneng and Tshikannosi. Research data collected in the form of community dialogues are used in this article together with relevant journal articles, books and media reports on the same subject. The aim of the article is to explore the importance of public participation by community members in the affairs of their community. The article argues that enhanced public participation can properly facilitate members of the community to take part in the resolution of disputes and conflicts in their community. The findings of the research are that public participation remains an important element of a democracy, and that the public at all times wants to be involved in making decisions that affect their …

Tshepo Aubrey Manthwa and Lefa Sebolaisi NtsoaneVolume 18 Number 2, Oct 2019, , , , south-africa2018 2016 2013vol-18
The Judiciary and Democracy in Ghana's Fourth Republic
The Judiciary and Democracy in Ghana’s Fourth Republic

Since the advent of multi-party elections in 1992, Ghana has successfully held six free and fair presidential and parliamentary elections, including the peaceful alternation of power on three occasions. Despite this impressive record, transparent and peaceful elections are never a guaranteed outcome in Ghana. General elections in the country are highly competitive and tightly contested by the two main political parties, the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and their support bases. The 2016 general elections season was a fierce fight marked by apparent attempts at fraud and corruption on the part of the Electoral Commission. Although there was a tense lead-up to the vote, the elections proceeded without incident, largely due to the actions of the Supreme Court. These Supreme Court rulings on electoral transparency and fairness during the 2016 elections continue a long history of judicial intervention in electoral disputes. Nearly three decades of judicial activism has effectively constrained the major political parties in their ongoing attempts to use fraud and corruption for gains at the polls. This study thus supports the early work of Ruti Teitel on judicial policymaking in transitional states by demonstrating how an activist Supreme Court has effectively preserved and advanced democratisation in the face of weak political …

Isaac Owusu-Mensah and Joanna RiceVolume 17 Number 2, Oct 2018, , , , , ghana2018vol-17
Is Voting in Ghana Ethnically Based?
Is Voting in Ghana Ethnically Based?

Ghanaian scholars often argue that ethnicity is the leading factor shaping the electoral choices of voters in Ghana, and that voting in Ghana, like that of many other African countries, is ethnic-based. This paper seeks to test the validity of these perceptions. Voters in three key constituencies were selected and asked about considerations that shaped their voting preferences in Ghana’s latest election in 2016. Their answers indicate a complicated mixture of motives which suggest that in areas believed to have been politically shaped by ethnic identities, voter choice is instrumental and rational, influenced more by bread and butter concerns than by ethnic …

Ransford Edward Van Gyampo, Tom Lodge and Ricky AppahVolume 17 Number 2, Oct 2018, , , , , ghana2018vol-17
Election Administration in Nigeria: A Researcher’s Account of the 2015 General Elections
Election Administration in Nigeria: A Researcher’s Account of the 2015 General Elections

Using empirical field accounts of the 2015 general elections in the Ibadan South-East local government area, this article investigates the problems and prospects of election administration in Nigeria. It argues that while the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Nigeria’s electoral management body, made elaborate preparations for the conduct of the general elections across the country, the conduct of the elections in Ibadan SouthEast local government area was characterised by logistics, manpower and security challenges. The combination of the character of the electorates and that of the electoral officials, as well as the attitude of the dominant political parties at grassroots level, shaped the outcomes of these …

Olajide O. AkanjiVolume 17 Number 2, Oct 2018, , , , , nigeria2018 2015vol-17
Journal of African Elections Vol 17 No 2, Oct 2018 [Entire Journal]
Journal of African Elections Vol 17 No 2, Oct 2018 [Entire Journal]

Volume 17 Number 2, Oct 20182018
A Critique of Proceduralism in the Adjudication of Electoral Disputes in Lesotho
A Critique of Proceduralism in the Adjudication of Electoral Disputes in Lesotho

One of the characteristic features of electoral democracy in Lesotho is disputed elections. Since 1993, when the country returned to constitutional democracy after a long haul of dictatorship and monarcho-military rule, every election has been subjected to one form of discontent or another. The aggrieved parties use various ways to vent their dissatisfactions, and more often than not, disputes end up in the courts of law. The courts are then called on to determine the validity or otherwise of the election results declared by the election management body. All seven elections since 1993 have been challenged in the courts of law. Despite this determination by political players in Lesotho to resolve electoral disputes through the courts of law, amongst other means, there is no court in Lesotho that has overturned an election result or ordered the reallocation of seats since 1993. The petitions are almost invariably dismissed on procedural grounds or on the basis of misapplication of the substantial effect doctrine. This approach to the adjudication of disputes in Lesotho has not only jeopardised substantive electoral justice in the country but has also arguably perpetuated the electoral violence that has been one of the characteristic features of electoral politics in Lesotho. The purpose of this article, therefore, is to critique this approach. Methodically, the paper uses the politico-legal approach to critique the pattern as it manifests itself through the many court decisions that have been handed down on election petitions since …

Hoolo ‘NyaneVolume 17 Number 2, Oct 2018, , , , , 2018vol-17
The Concept of Agency Theory in Electoral Democracy
The Concept of Agency Theory in Electoral Democracy

This essay analyses the doctrine of the law of agency in the context of electoral democracy in assessing the rights and liabilities of the political elite and the voting public. The principal-agent model was employed to expatiate challenges in the relationship between the agent’s performance and how the principal can reward or punish the agent through competitive elections. In doing so, the elected political authorities are deemed to be agents of state governance while the voters, and by extension the population, are seen as principals of the state. The principal-agent relationship generates the electoral accountability of representatives to constituents by checking and controlling the behaviour of the political elite to ensure that national programmes, policies and laws are applied for the benefit of the general public. The study concludes that voters, as principals, expect political agents to deliver public goods and services to their benefit and that failure do so attracts a vote of censure. This means that competitive elections create a relationship of formal accountability between political leaders and voters. This accountability minimises the ability of political leaders to use the advantage of information …

Joseph Kwaku AsamoahVolume 17 Number 2, Oct 2018, , , , , 2018vol-17
When a Compratriot Becomes a Foe: Political Parties and Violent Elections in Kenya and South Africa
When a Compratriot Becomes a Foe: Political Parties and Violent Elections in Kenya and South Africa

This paper examines the operations of political parties in Kenya and South Africa and provides an analysis of how such operations have become drivers of election violence. The paper contends that as a result of the structure of political parties and how they operate, they have contributed to the violence that has become an endemic feature of the electoral processes in both countries. In Kenya, most election violence has been between supporters of different political parties who contest election outcomes. In South Africa, even though there were many incidents of inter-party violence in the 1990s, recent trends indicate reductions of the same but with an increase in intra-party violence, especially over disputed party …

John Rabuogi AhereVolume 17 Number 2, Oct 2018, , , kenya south-africa2018vol-17
Voting Rights of Internally Displaced Persons in Nigeria's 2015 General Eections
Voting Rights of Internally Displaced Persons in Nigeria’s 2015 General Eections

The study examines the extent to which Nigeria’s electoral body complied with existing legal frameworks on Internally Displaced Persons’ (IDP) voting during the 2015 general elections. The existing legal frameworks in question consist of two international frameworks which Nigeria adopted, and two domestic frameworks. The United Nations Guiding Principles on Internally Displaced Persons, and the African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa, otherwise known as the Kampala Convention, are the two international frameworks. The domestic legal frameworks include the 1999 Constitution (as amended) and the Electoral Act 2010 (as amended). Data for the study was generated through interviews with officials of the electoral body of Nigeria. This was complemented by documentary evidence based on secondary sources, including Nigeria’s election reports, the Electoral Act 2010, the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, and other relevant materials. Data were analysed using content analysis rooted in logical deduction. The result of the data analysis shows that the handling of the voting rights of IDPs in Nigeria’s 2015 general elections by the electoral body contravened all the existing legal frameworks that guide IDP voting. The study therefore recommends that a system of electronic voting should be introduced in Nigeria to enable all eligible Nigerians, including IDPs, to vote in whichever part of the country they are resident at the time of the …

Emeka C. Iloh, Michael E. Nwokedi, Cornelius C. Mba and Kingsley O. IloVolume 17 Number 1, Jun 2018, , , , , nigeria2018 2015vol-17
The Rise and Fall of the Government of National Unity in Zanzibar: A Critical Analysis of the 2015 elections
The Rise and Fall of the Government of National Unity in Zanzibar: A Critical Analysis of the 2015 elections

This article analyses the pitfalls that characterised the emergence and eventual demise of the Government of National Unity (GNU) in Tanzania’s semi-autonomous region of Zanzibar. Drawn from continuous political and electoral observations in Zanzibar, the article analyses how the 2015 general elections contributed to the eventual dissolution of the GNU. The GNU in Zanzibar was a negotiated political settlement between two parties – the incumbent Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and the Civic United Front (CUF). In particular, this article looks at how the start of the constitutional review process in Tanzania contributed to the withering of the GNU. Despite its undeniably noble agenda, the constitutional review process resuscitated old enmities between CCM and the CUF. The two parties’ divergent stances on the structure of the Union revived the rifts that characterised their relationship before the GNU. We analyse the election cycle rhetoric following the run-up to the elections and how this widened the GNU fissures leading to its eventual demise after the re-election in March 2016. After the 2015 elections were nullified, the CUF, which had claimed victory, boycotted the re-election. As a result, the CCM won an overwhelming electoral …

Nicodemus Minde, Sterling Roop and Kjetil TronvollVolume 17 Number 1, Jun 2018, , , , , tanzania zanzibar2018 2015vol-17
Local Media Observation of Mozambique's Elections
Local Media Observation of Mozambique’s Elections

Local journalists working together in Mozambique have overcome many of the limitations of international and domestic election observation. In a system developed during three pairs of municipal and national elections (2003-4, 2008-9, 2013-4), journalists from community radio and other local media reported to a national daily newsletter on registration, campaigning, voting and counting while continuing to work for their own organisations. Reports of local violence and misconduct were published nationally, usually bringing rapid responses. Evidence from local journalists, together with continued media pressure, forced elections to be re-run. This led to changes in the electoral law which reduced misconduct. Two aspects proved central: accuracy and local knowledge. Nothing was published in the cooperative newsletter unless it had been verified or sourced, thus providing an effective counter to exaggerated or false reports on social media. Local journalists known and trusted in their own communities received complaints about electoral malfeasance and had appropriate contacts to verify or refute these claims. Because central editorial control of their reports demands detail and authentication, these reports are both accurate and trusted. In addition, daily publication also meant that their reports had more immediacy than that of other election observers. As a result, this collaboration by local journalists ensured the accountability of political parties and the electoral …

Adriano Nuvunga and Joseph HanlonVolume 17 Number 1, June 2018, , , , , , 2018vol-17
International Election Observers in Kenya's 2017 Elections: Impartial or Partisan
International Election Observers in Kenya’s 2017 Elections: Impartial or Partisan

Recently, questions have emerged concerning the professionalism and impartiality of election observers. In Kenya, concerns arose after the August 2017 elections when the Supreme Court of Kenya nullified Uhuru Kenyatta’s victory, despite observers suggesting that the elections were credible. Proceeding from this foundation, this paper examines the conduct of election observers in the elections and the claim that their behaviour was equivalent to being impartial. The data that informed the study was collected through interviews and analysis of previous research. The findings of this research demonstrate that election observation cannot be detached from the social, political and security context in which it takes place and the methodologies used by observers also influence their findings. Importantly, the technological expertise of observer missions is becoming increasingly important as states turn to more sophisticated electoral technology. In addition, the study reveals that elections have become a polarising factor in Kenya due to the rise of ethnic politics and prevalence of dysfunctional institutions. The bitter power struggles that unfold during elections have tended to implicate international observers as each political contender expects observers to support their position. We conclude that allegations of impartiality levelled against the observers are intended to serve the political goals of those who raise them. Our findings suggest three circumstances under which observers may be accused of bias. The first is when politicians feel that the odds are stacked against their chances of clinching victory in elections. Secondly, accusations of bias may be advanced as a campaign tool to whip up public sympathy or consolidate support. Thirdly, claims of bias may be used by the opposition to justify post-election protests intended to force a repeat poll or extract a political deal to cater for its …

Moses Nderitu NginyaVolume 17 Number 1, June 2018, , , , kenya2018 2017vol-17
Gerontocracy in African Politics: Youth and the Quest for Political Participation
Gerontocracy in African Politics: Youth and the Quest for Political Participation

By the late 1950s and early 1960s most African colonies had attained independence from British and French rule, resulting in great optimism regarding the future of the nascent democracies on the continent. A buoyant populace transformed their memories of harsh political struggles into images of heroism and confirmed the victory of the national movement for liberation. There was hope that these new nations would soon steer their own ships of state and conduct free, fair and regular elections that would be true reflections of the wishes of the majority of the population. Sadly, what transpired afterwards was (and still is) far from what had been expected. Civil unrest and anarchy soon reigned in most African countries as the so-called ‘founding fathers’ considered themselves above the law. In a bid to retain power, they initiated a system of electoral manipulation and violence that continues to pervade the continent. More worrisome was the birth of a culture that excluded Africa’s youth from active participation in politics; this resulted in the retention of old politicians, evident in a leadership occupied mostly by septuagenarians and octogenarians. This study examines gerontocracy in Africa and its impact on the political participation of Africa’s …

Joseph Olusegun AdebayoVolume 17 Number 1, June 2018, , , , , 2018vol-17
Ethnicity and Election Outcomes in Nigeria: Interrogating the 2015 Presidential election
Ethnicity and Election Outcomes in Nigeria: Interrogating the 2015 Presidential election

The objective of this paper is to investigate the effects of ethnicity on the outcome of the 2015 presidential election in Nigeria. In order to achieve this, the descriptive-statistical analysis of the official election results released by the country’s Election Management Body (INEC) as well as a historical analysis of past presidential elections in Nigeria was adopted. The findings revealed that the major contestants received bloc votes from their various states and geo-political zones. This indicated that candidates appealed to ethnic sentiments to garner votes. The policy implication of this scenario includes the fact that ethnic bloc voting destroys inter-ethnic accommodation and efforts at nation building. It is, however, recommended that efforts should be intensified towards providing a compelling statutory set of principles for nation building and national integration which will in turn guarantee the peaceful co-existence for people of diverse ethnic …

Atanda Abdulwaheed Isiaq, Oluwashina Moruf Adebiyi and Adebola Rafiu BakareVolume 17 Number 1, June 2018, , , , nigeria2018 2015vol-17
JAE Volume 17 Number 1 Jun 2018 [Entire Journal]
JAE Volume 17 Number 1 Jun 2018 [Entire Journal]

Volume 17 Number 1, June 20182018
Angola's 2017 Elections and the Start of a Post-Dos Santos Era
Angola’s 2017 Elections and the Start of a Post-Dos Santos Era

For the first time in the history of its multiparty democracy, Angola held general elections in August 2017 without President José Eduardo dos Santos on the ballot paper. In 2016 dos Santos decided not to run again for the presidency but he remained the party chair. Instead, João Manuel Gonçalves Lourenço was nominated to replace dos Santos as the MPLA candidate. The departure of dos Santos raised expectations that there would be political change in the country. However, this did not happen because the MPLA won a qualified majority in the National Assembly despite their decreased support compared to the results of the 2012 general elections. Though the 2017 elections were considered to have been well prepared and executed, the outcome was challenged by the opposition on the grounds of irregularities in voter registration, the accreditation of party agents, and problems in both counting and announcing the results. The change of leader raised a number of questions regarding the implications of a double centre of power in the MPLA and presidency. How João Lourenço will manage the question of the factions created by his rise to power is a matter of concern, together with whether he will be able to end the hegemony and economic power of dos Santos and his allies. He will also have to deal with the ongoing economic crisis and boost declining public trust in the MPLA. By addressing some of these issues this article provides an important contribution to understanding the electoral processes in …

Zefanias Matsimbe and Nelson DomingosVolume 17 Number 1, June 2018, , , , , english2018 2017vol-17
Youth, Protests and the 2014 National Elections: The Case of Zamdela, Sasolburg
Youth, Protests and the 2014 National Elections: The Case of Zamdela, Sasolburg

There is a general perception that youth are apathetic to local politics and national elections. At the same time, young people are often at the forefront of protest. Both electoral politics and protest are forms of political participation; however, the relationship between the two is under-explored. In Zamdela, young people were politicised by two events: the January 2013 protest, and the formation of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) in mid-2014. In addition, many youth are simply conflicted by the lack of service delivery by the ruling party and the lack of viable alternatives in elections. Using qualitative data, this article traces and thematically analyses the political attitudes of youth in Zamdela between the demarcation protest of January 2013 and the May 2014 national elections. Quantitatively, the article provides practical data describing the way in which young people engaged with the 2014 national elections, given the fluctuating perspectives throughout 2013 and 2014. Against this background the article analyses the notion of youth apathy towards politics and elections, as well as Booysen’s (2007) ‘ballot and the brick’ analysis of political engagement, protest and elections. The article demonstrates that a high proportion of young people are politically aware, participated in the protest, voted in elections, and evinced an increased likelihood of voting for parties other than the …

Mahlatse RampediVolume 16 Number 2, Oct 2017, , , , , south-africa2017 2014vol-16
Voters' Roll Crises and the need for Electoral Reforms in South Africa
Voters’ Roll Crises and the need for Electoral Reforms in South Africa

This paper considers the implications of the Constitutional Court ruling that declared the 2013 Tlokwe by-elections unconstitutional. This ruling was because the voters’ roll did not contain the addresses of voters as required by electoral legislation and it has cast a shadow on the credibility of elections in South Africa. The Constitutional Court gave the Electoral Commission until the end of June 2018 to correct this problem which affects over 10 million voters. The question that this paper discusses is whether the Electoral Commission will find a solution to this conundrum before the national general elections scheduled to take place in 2019. This is especially urgent because the Electoral Commission has already indicated its incapacity to perform this task in the face of inadequate resources. The paper also looks at the nature of the problem regarding the voters’ register and the voting district within which it is premised. In an attempt to find a solution to this problem the author undertook a small survey to establish whether political parties used the addresses of voters to conduct their campaign work. The paper concludes by suggesting electoral reforms that may resolve the problem of the voters’ roll and improve the overall management of elections in South …

Raynauld D RussonVolume 16 Number 2, Oct 2017south-africa2017vol-16
Social Media, Elections and Political Engagement: The 2014 General Election in Mauritius
Social Media, Elections and Political Engagement: The 2014 General Election in Mauritius

Mauritius has preferred the ballot to the bullet, earning its status as a democracy to be emulated within Africa. Elections are a regular feature of the Mauritian political landscape, and since it became independent in 1968 the small island has already held ten elections deemed to be free and fair. Another notable feature is the relatively high level of voter turnout, which has hovered at between 70% and 85% for the past ten general elections. With such an impressive scoreboard all should be fine, but unfortunately this is not the case. Over the past few years a number of gnawing democratic deficits have been noted, in particular the advent of dynastic politics, the rise of ethno-politics and the presence of big money in politics. Elections have seen the alternation of power but unfortunately it has been with the same parties and the same leaders. In fact, across the world established politics is in crisis and Mauritius is not exempt from this state of affairs. The objective of this paper is to explore the possibility of doing politics differently through the use of new technology and social media. The paper will explore whether Mauritius has followed the trend of what is now being termed direct democracy, and the possibility for a new kind of political engagement and in the process the construction of a new political …

Roukaya Kasenally and Dooshweena AwatarVolume 16 Number 2, Oct 2017, , , mauritius2017 2014vol-16
Parties in a Plurality System: Candidate Nomination in Ghana's Minor Parties
Parties in a Plurality System: Candidate Nomination in Ghana’s Minor Parties

In theory, plurality electoral systems do not favour the development of minor parties. Scholarly analysis of minor political parties has focused on their electoral performance in national elections, and very little is known about their candidate nomination behaviour at grassroots level. Why minor parties should compete in national elections within a plurality system is a puzzle explained in this paper by an examination of candidate nomination by minor parties in Ghana’s plurality system. Ghana’s minor parties compete in constituencies they know they cannot win. Drawing on poll data, the paper argues that these minor parties use the candidate nomination process not to win parliamentary seats but as a strategy to make their party platforms visible in the political landscape. It reaches three conclusions on candidate nomination: that it is used by minor parties to make their presence felt in the country; that it allows the parties to give the appearance of being strong; and that it is a strategy to boost the campaign of presidential …

Ernest Plange Kwofie and George M Bob-MilliarVolume 16 Number 2, Oct 2017  ghana2017vol-16
Mozambiques's 2014 Elections: A Repeat of Misconduct, Political Tension and Frelimo Dominance
Mozambiques’s 2014 Elections: A Repeat of Misconduct, Political Tension and Frelimo Dominance

The cease-fire that ended the military hostilities between government and Renamo paved the way for Mozambique’s fifth general elections on 14 October 2014. Frelimo consolidated its dominant position in an election underpinned by fraud and misconduct at the polling stations. There was an imbalance of power with Frelimo enjoying better organisation and patronage networks, control of the police and media, and secrecy in the National Electoral Commission (CNE), including altering results. This imbalance is shaped partly by the system of party dominance but also by the weakness of opposition parties who failed to use existing systems. Renamo’s dispute of the electoral results and its endeavour to engage in dialogue with the government as a remedy for the alleged fraud reflects the inadequacy of Mozambique’s elections as the mechanism for a political settlement. This sets the agenda for the next electoral cycle which, in procedural terms, will mirror previous …

Adriano NuvungaVolume 16 No 2, October 2017, , , , mozambique2017 2014vol-16
Journal of African Elections Volume 16 Number 2 Oct 2017 [Entire Journal]
Journal of African Elections Volume 16 Number 2 Oct 2017 [Entire Journal]

The Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) has dominated other political parties in every election since independence in 1966. Debates on factors that account for the dominance of the BDP typically point to weakness of opposition parties, lack of party funding, the electoral system and advantages of incumbency enjoyed by the ruling party. Using performance-based theory, this article contributes to the debate by empirically examining if citizens’ vote for the BDP is based on some selected variables. It aims to find out if Batswana’s voting intentions are determined by an assessment of the economy, democracy, corruption perception, and institutional trust, among others. The study makes use of the 2014 Afrobarometer data, and logistic regression models were used to analyse the data. Therefore the main contribution of this article is the utilisation of empirical data to explain the vote for the ruling party. Theories of voting behaviour suggest that incumbent governments are likely to be voted back into office when they are perceived as performing well in the economy, are trustworthy and not corrupt. This begs the question why some incumbent governments are voted back into office despite poor performance in the economy, declining institutional trust and rising corruption. The article finds that the BDP’s dominance is attributable to its good performance in governance and economic management. The data reveals that Batswana are rational voters, whose voting intentions are based on a careful assessment of the economic performance of BDP government, attitudes towards corruption level and trust in institutions. The paper alsohows that even though Botswana enjoys some good international scores on governance and corruption, citizens perceive that there has been an increase in the number of leaders and organisations involved in corruption. The study has also found that trust is high but decreasing for the ruling party, and low but increasing for opposition parties. …

Batlang Seabo and Kesaobaka MolebatsiVolume 16 Number 2, October 20172017
Botswana's Dominant Party System: Determinants in the Decision to Vote for the Ruling Party
Botswana’s Dominant Party System: Determinants in the Decision to Vote for the Ruling Party

The Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) has dominated other political parties in every election since independence in 1966. Debates on factors that account for the dominance of the BDP typically point to weakness of opposition parties, lack of party funding, the electoral system and advantages of incumbency enjoyed by the ruling party. Using performance-based theory, this article contributes to the debate by empirically examining if citizens’ vote for the BDP is based on some selected variables. It aims to find out if Batswana’s voting intentions are determined by an assessment of the economy, democracy, corruption perception, and institutional trust, among others. The study makes use of the 2014 Afrobarometer data, and logistic regression models were used to analyse the data. Therefore the main contribution of this article is the utilisation of empirical data to explain the vote for the ruling party. Theories of voting behaviour suggest that incumbent governments are likely to be voted back into office when they are perceived as performing well in the economy, are trustworthy and not corrupt. This begs the question why some incumbent governments are voted back into office despite poor performance in the economy, declining institutional trust and rising corruption. The article finds that the BDP’s dominance is attributable to its good performance in governance and economic management. The data reveals that Batswana are rational voters, whose voting intentions are based on a careful assessment of the economic performance of BDP government, attitudes towards corruption level and trust in institutions. The paper also shows that even though Botswana enjoys some good international scores on governance and corruption, citizens perceive that there has been an increase in the number of leaders and organisations involved in corruption. The study has also found that trust is high but decreasing for the ruling party, and low but increasing for opposition …

Batlang Seabo and Kesaobaka MolebatsiVolume 16 Number 2, October 2017, , , , , botswana2017vol-16
Africa's West Meets it's South: A Comparison of Democracy in Nigeria and South Africa, 1993-2016
Africa’s West Meets it’s South: A Comparison of Democracy in Nigeria and South Africa, 1993-2016

Democratic elections in Africa have drawn significant international interest because of their tendencies to generate conflict and violence. Unfortunately, this is not likely to change in the near future, especially with the prevalence of one-party dominance, electoral malpractices, patrimonial leadership and election violence in a number of African countries. Against this background the paper carries out a comparative analysis of presidential elections in Nigeria and South Africa between 1993 and 2016. It focuses specifically on their experiences with election violence, one-party dominance, voter dynamics, and how both countries rate against key global democratic indicators. In doing so, the underlying research question seeks to understand how both countries differ from these variables and what factors contribute to these differences. Using secondary data and responses to the National Democratic Institute (NDI) indicators, the paper argues that while both countries are key players within their respective regions, various factors are responsible for why they differ in their experiences with elections in particular and the democratic process in general. In carrying out an extensive empirical review of relevant literature, this paper is a starting point for comparing the state of democracy in two of the strongest economies on the African continent. The paper also attempts to understand the more recent and urgent experiences and the challenges of democracy in these two contexts. Finally, it presents objectives and challenges for the present and the …

Dorcas Ettang and Oladapo Kayode OpasinaVolume 16 Number 2, October 2017, , , , , nigeria south-africa2017 2016vol-16
Transnationalisation Potential of Electoral Violence in Burundi
Transnationalisation Potential of Electoral Violence in Burundi

Scholars have documented a correlation between different transnational factors and players, and a changing dynamics of civil war leading to the spillover of conflict from one country to another. The effects of diffusion and escalation are the primary causes of the transnationalisation of war. This paper considers whether electoral violence is also prone to these effects and therefore to the transnationalisation phenomenon. Electoral violence carries certain features that distinguish it from general political violence. It relates specifically to electoral events, with motives and timing being the determining factors. Firstly, the article demonstrates that electoral violence prevailed over political violence in the first phases of the 2015 internal conflict in Burundi. Secondly, it shows that there is a potential transnationalisation of electoral violence in the Great Lakes region. This is due to similar regional characteristics and goals of the incumbents, the similar nature of state institutions, and regional linkages among like-minded political …

Lenka HomolkovaVolume 16 Number 1, June 2017, , , 2017vol-16
La Question du Troisieme Mandat Presidentiel au Burundi: Quelles leçons pour la République Démocratique du Congo?
La Question du Troisieme Mandat Presidentiel au Burundi: Quelles leçons pour la République Démocratique du Congo?

Sadiki Koko et Théophile Yuma KaluluVolume 16 Number 1, June 2017, , , , 2017
Presidential Election Disputes in Uganda: A Critical Analysis of the Supreme Court Decisions
Presidential Election Disputes in Uganda: A Critical Analysis of the Supreme Court Decisions

This article analyses the constitutional and domestic legal framework under which the president of Uganda has been elected since 1995. The focus is on the three Supreme Court decisions in the adjudication of presidential electoral disputes in 2001, 2006 and in 2016. It argues that presidential electoral laws are deficient in their capacity to facilitate fair political contestation. This is because they were not adequately constructed to address electoral malpractices pertaining to Uganda, and they have been interpreted to favour the …

Fred SekindiVolume 16 Number 1, June 2017, , , , , 2017vol-16
Ghana's 2016 General Election: Accounting for the Monumental Defeat of the National Democratic Congress (NDC)
Ghana’s 2016 General Election: Accounting for the Monumental Defeat of the National Democratic Congress (NDC)

Ghana is now seen as a thriving African democracy after having gone through seven presidential and parliamentary elections, resulting in three overturns of political power in 2001, 2009 and 2017. The 2016 election was another crossroad for Ghana’s maturing democracy. In this election, the incumbent National Democratic Congress (NDC) lost to the opposition New Patriotic Party (NPP). The margin of defeat suffered by the ruling NDC was puzzling and unprecedented. Using voter behaviour as a theoretical taxonomy, this paper attempts to explain the monumental defeat of the NDC in the 2016 general election. It poses the question: what factors led to this defeat and why was there such a monumental difference of over one million votes? The paper argues that firstly, the defeat was due to regime fatigue anchored in the two-term regime cycle of change and voting based on party identification. Secondly, the defeat was monumental because of poor economic performance; corruption on the part of some government ministers and attempts to shield them; unpopular last minute decisions; the gross display of arrogance by some ministers of state and party officials; a more appealing campaign message of hope from the main opposition party; poor branding and communication of NDC’s campaign promises and ideas; abuse of incumbency; voter apathy on the part of ruling party supporters and the general call for change across the world. The study concludes by offering some useful …

Ransford Edward Van Gyampo, Emmanuel Graham and Eric YoboVolume 16 Number 1, June 2017, , , , , , 2017 2016vol-16
The Evolution of the Swazi Electoral Process: Ideological Contradictions, 1978-2015
The Evolution of the Swazi Electoral Process: Ideological Contradictions, 1978-2015

The subject of the election process has been analysed by different scholars in different historical periods. On the African continent this subject gained prominence after the Second World War when most African countries gained independence from colonial powers. This interest is because of the assumption that both electoral processes and elections are indicators of a transition to democracy and of its consolidation. Evidence indicates that electoral processes in different countries have evolved over time either as a reflection of a positive transition to democracy, or because leaders manipulate the process in order to pursue their own political agendas. This article analyses the evolution of the Swazi electoral process from the time of British colonial rule. The article argues that the Swazi electoral process has evolved over the past fifty years through manipulation by King Sobhuza II and later his son King Mswati III in order to retain their control and dominance over the Swazi population. It shows that as a result of such manipulation, the Swazi electoral process has undermined the transition to democracy in the …

Hamilton Sipho SimelaneVolume 16 Number 1, June 2017, , , , , , , , 2017 2015vol-16
Electoral violence and it's Instrumental Logic: Mapping Press Discourse on Electoral Violence during Parliamentary and Presidential Elections in Zimbabwe
Electoral violence and it’s Instrumental Logic: Mapping Press Discourse on Electoral Violence during Parliamentary and Presidential Elections in Zimbabwe

Elections are one of the key benchmarks for assessing the international perception of a nation’s democratic credentials. However, the credibility of elections is increasingly being tied to questions of whether or not they are conducted in a peaceful atmosphere. Where violence exists as part of the menu of manipulation the press becomes a crucial tool for shaping public perceptions about electoral legitimacy or lack thereof. This study employed a Foucauldian discursive approach to the analysis of election violence in two state-owned newspapers, namely The Herald and The Sunday Mail, and three privately-owned newspapers, namely The Zimbabwe Independent, The Financial Gazette, and the Daily News. Empirical data were drawn from a corpus of news stories published during the 2000 parliamentary and the 2002 presidential elections. The article argues that press construction of election violence was marked by competing discourses reflecting political and ideological bifurcation and this gave way to anti-democratic discursive strategies which could engender political intolerance among the …

Tendai Joseph ChariVolume 16 Number 1, June 2017, , 2017vol-16
Election Observation and the Question of State Sovereignty in Africa
Election Observation and the Question of State Sovereignty in Africa

The fundamental question of whether international election observation strengthens or weakens state sovereignty in African states is examined in this article, using a three-branched hypothesis. Firstly, that the presence of international election observers in the host state does not violate state sovereignty. Secondly, that international election observation enhances democratic legitimacy in the state concerned. Thirdly, that with the advent of the right to intervene in international law, international election observation is a tool used to reinforce the legitimate sovereignty of the state. Many researchers argue that international election observation has been used to infringe state sovereignty, especially in post-conflict states. This paper presents a different view by offering a general analysis of the African continent, demonstrating that international election observation makes an invaluable contribution to restoring and reinforcing legitimate state …

Guy Cyrille TapokoVolume 16 Number 1, June 2017, , 2017vol-16
Election Deposit and Democracy in Developing Countries: A Comparative Overview in Selected Southern African Development Community Countries
Election Deposit and Democracy in Developing Countries: A Comparative Overview in Selected Southern African Development Community Countries

After their independence most African countries adopted constitutions that enshrine democracy and the right to vote and stand for public office. These political rights are important tools for ensuring democracy as they enable citizens to participate in both constituting and having a say in their own government. Despite entrenching these rights in their constitutions, many African countries went further and adopted laws requiring citizens who wish to participate in elections to pay an election deposit fee. Given the fact that most developing countries in Africa experience fairly widespread poverty, many potential candidates may not be able to afford the election deposit fee. Accordingly, the election deposit fee may well hinder the cause of democracy by excluding citizens from exercising their political rights. This paper discusses the effect of an election deposit fee on democracy in developing countries in Africa. The discussion is limited to selected countries in the Southern African Development …

Mbuzeni Johnson MathenjwaVolume 16 Number 1, June 2017, , , , 2017vol-16
Journal of African Elections Vol. 16 No 1, June 2017 [Entire Journal]
Journal of African Elections Vol. 16 No 1, June 2017 [Entire Journal]

2017
Youth Networks on Facebook and Twitter During the 2015 General Elections in Nigeria
Youth Networks on Facebook and Twitter During the 2015 General Elections in Nigeria

In this study I used secondary sources of data to examine how Nigerian youth formed socio-political networks on social media platforms Facebook and Twitter, and how these media influenced the 2015 general elections. I purposively selected four Facebook accounts and four Twitter handles of politicians, political parties and news agencies. The Facebook accounts were those of Goodluck Jonathan, Muhammadu Buhari, Channels Television and Sahara Reporters. The Twitter handles were those of Femi Fani-Kayode, Doyin Okupe, Rueben Abati and Nasir El-Rufai. The Facebook accounts and Twitter handles were selected based on their number of followers and likes. I performed an archival study of posts and tweets between 1 January 2015, when the election campaign started, and 30 April 2015, when all election results were declared by INEC. I also purposively selected five posts and tweets each from the Facebook accounts and Twitter handles, from among myriad posts and tweets, according to which had the highest number of replies on political issues from 1 January 2015. All data obtained were analysed using descriptive analyses. The findings showed that not all followers of political parties and politicians on Facebook and Twitter are their supporters. Moreover the platforms raised the consciousness of Nigerian youth during the 2015 elections in the area of constructive and destructive arguments directly with politicians, which gave birth to new socio-political movements of followers and antagonists. The results also showed that youth networks helped to shape the 2015 elections in terms of exposing and preventing insecurity and fraud. I concluded that social media play a potent role in galvanising Nigerian youth for political discourse, conscientisation and education, which in turn can facilitate effective transformation of electoral processes in …

Ayodeji Anthony AdulojuVolume 15 No 2, October 2016, , , , nigeria2016 2015vol-15
Smart card reader 2015 General Elections in Nigeria
Smart card reader 2015 General Elections in Nigeria

A central issue in the 2015 general elections in Nigeria was the use of the smart card reader, which was a critical component in the election. It was used for the first time in the electoral process of Nigeria and it remains one of the greatest technological innovations of the 2015 general elections. The smart card reader is a technological device set up to authenticate and verify, on election day, a permanent voter card issued by the Independent National Electoral Commission. The fundamental basis for deploying the technological device was to ensure a credible, transparent, free and fair election and thereby to deepen Nigeria’s democracy. However, the use of the card reader generated debate among election stakeholders before, during and after the 2015 general elections. One such debate was the legality of the use of the device. In this paper I examine the debate and the role of the card reader in the elections. I also consider the challenges and impact of the card reader on the election. Considering the massive electoral fraud witnessed in general elections since Nigeria’s independence, I conclude that the smart card reader should be used for future elections. General elections in Nigeria should continue to be technologically …

Emmanuel Adeniran AlebiosuVolume 15 No 2, October 2016, , , nigeria2016 2015vol-15
Politics and the Pulpit: The Rise and Decline of Religion in Nigeria's 2015 Presidential Elections
Politics and the Pulpit: The Rise and Decline of Religion in Nigeria’s 2015 Presidential Elections

Numerous reports show that Nigeria is one of the most religious countries in the world. Thus, it is not surprising that religion features prominently in the country’s elections. The 2015 general election marks another signpost in the interconnection between religion and elections in Nigeria, although with a different pattern. Using an analysis of the 2015 presidential elections, this paper argues that, although religion appeared to play a central role in the pre-election period, it was less significant in the actual voting decision of the electorate on election day. Rather, other factors, especially candidates’ profiles and performance records, took precedence over religious and ethnic considerations. This essay concludes that the voting pattern possibly reveals an increasingly sophisticated electorate and a consolidating democracy in …

Hakeem OnapajoVolume 15 Number 2, Oct 2016, , , , nigeria2016 2015vol-15
Political Advert Campaigns and Voting Behaviour: Akinwunmi Ambode’s 2015 Election Campaign in Lagos State
Political Advert Campaigns and Voting Behaviour: Akinwunmi Ambode’s 2015 Election Campaign in Lagos State

In recent times, the use of political ad campaigns has become increasingly popular, as was evident in the 2015 gubernatorial elections in Lagos State. Advert campaigns of several candidates filled the media, which seemed to be a clear distinction from election campaigns in the past, in which the focus was mainly on political rallies and speeches. This led me to seek to understand the effectiveness of political ad campaigns in shaping the voting behaviour of Nigerian voters. Specifically, I examined political ad campaigns of the All Progressive Congress gubernatorial candidate in Lagos State, Akinwunmi Ambode. A field survey of eligible voters in Lagos State was carried out to further ascertain the efficacy of political ad campaigns on the electorate. From the field survey, results were collated, analysed and summarised using frequency tables. Findings from the study showed that political ad campaigns do not have a strong effect on the electorate’s voting behaviour but still play a role in the electoral process. I concluded that political candidates and parties should concentrate on other election campaign strategies. I also recommend that further studies be conducted to better understand other factors that influence voting …

Grace Izeghe OjekweVolume 15 Number 2, Oct 2016, , 2016 2015vol-15
Nigeria's 2015 Elections: Permanent Voter's Cards, Smart Card Readers and Security Challenges
Nigeria’s 2015 Elections: Permanent Voter’s Cards, Smart Card Readers and Security Challenges

Voting time in any democracy always involves rigorous politicking. The electioneering exercise in developed democracies tends to have less tension in the polity than in many developing democracies which do witness some hitches, mainly in issues of procedure and security. However, these problems reduce with every subsequent election. Nigeria’s 2015 general elections were no exception to such improvements as there were innovations in the Anti Electoral Fraud Procedures (AEFP). The research in this work questions the extent to which the AEFP prevented electoral malpractices in Nigeria’s 2015 general elections. It also assesses whether, given the security tension in the country, the ratio of actual voter turnout to registered voter speaks of peace in the electoral process. The research methodology adopted is an empirical analysis of data from the Afrobarometer Round 6 survey assessing Nigerians’ perceptions of their electoral environment and of the level of preparedness of the Independent Electoral Commission (INEC). INEC’s officially released presidential election result is also critically interrogated. The relative deprivation theory is used to analyse the causes of security challenges. The conclusion is premised on the grounds that there were general improvements in the 2015 general elections and recommendations were posited to the Election Management Body (EMB), the government and the general …

Aremu Fatai Ayinde and Aluko Opeyemi IdowuVolume 15 Number 2, Oct 2016, , , , , nigeria2016 2015vol-15
Ethnicity and Political Transition Programmes in Nigeria, 1960-1999
Ethnicity and Political Transition Programmes in Nigeria, 1960-1999

In Africa, ethnicity has become a versatile tool often used by elites and ethnic organisations to actualise their set goals. The phenomenon of ethnicity is also central to the analysis of Nigerian politics, given its plural nature. Since the commencement of the transition from colonialism to independence and from the guided transitions from military to democratic rule in 1999, ethnic identity and mobilisation have been prominent features of the political arrangement, with serious attendant consequences for political stability. The paper therefore examines some of the impacts of ethnicity on political transition in Nigeria particularly from 1960 to 1999. The methodology is both descriptive and analytical with data drawn extensively from documented sources and subjected to critical …

Chris Ojukwu and Oni Ebenezer OluwoleVolume 15 Number 2, Oct 2016, , , nigeria2016vol-15
Election Rigging and the use of Technology: Smart Card Reader as the Joker in Nigeria's 2015 Presidential Election
Election Rigging and the use of Technology: Smart Card Reader as the Joker in Nigeria’s 2015 Presidential Election

Elections provide the platform for political succession in Nigeria, as elsewhere. They used to provide an opportunity for fraudulent individuals and groups to perpetrate acts of rigging against both other contestants and the electorate. Through no fault of their own stakeholders and the electorate are sidelined through unbridled rigging, thus losing the election or having their votes stolen or cancelled. This was the situation until the arrival of the permanent voter’s cards and the smart card reader. This technological input in Nigerian electoral space made it extremely difficult for results to be manipulated, either by anonymous individuals or through arbitrarily and fraudulently manipulating figures. The transparent application of this electronic device and its embodied security features make it extremely difficult to clone or compromise. This paper, therefore, intends to explore the circumstances that warranted the use of the smart card reader, the polemics surrounding its use, its performance during the 2015 presidential elections, as well as its potential for future …

Osita AgbuVolume 15 Number 2, Oct 2016, , nigeria2016 2015vol-15
Journal of African Elections Volume 15 Number 2 Oct 2016 [Entire Journal]
Journal of African Elections Volume 15 Number 2 Oct 2016 [Entire Journal]

Volume 15 Number 2, Oct 20162016
Democracy Deferred: The Effects of Electoral on Nigeria's Path to Democratic Consolidation
Democracy Deferred: The Effects of Electoral on Nigeria’s Path to Democratic Consolidation

The conduct of free and fair elections provides a yardstick to measure the quality of democracy in a country. Credible elections are the platform on which the populace partakes in democracy by electing representatives of their choice as public office holders. This process enhances the confidence of voters in democratisation, and rekindles the prospect of consolidating democratic institutions, particularly in democratising states. The conduct of elections in Nigeria since 1999 has been inundated with spiralling malpractices in the electioneering process. The trend has worsened with each round of elections, as typified by the 1999, 2003 and 2007 polls. During these three elections, rigging, violence and intimidation flourished. How do such malpractices affect the quality of Nigeria’s democracy? How do electoral malpractices affect the outcome of elections in Nigeria? Can democracy be consolidated in Nigeria in the face of elections that do not reflect the will of the voters? How can Nigeria chart a credible path towards stabilising the country’s democracy? This paper presents qualitative data and an analysis of the above questions. I argue that it is not the regularity of elections that can strengthen democratic heritage in Nigeria, but how transparent the country’s electoral process …

Moses T. AluaigbaVolume 15 Number 2, Oct 2016, , , nigeria2016
Two Decades of Election Observation by the African Union: A Review
Two Decades of Election Observation by the African Union: A Review

Between 1989 and 2013, the African Union (AU) observed 423 elections in Africa. However, these election observation missions were inconsistent at best in terms of approach, methodology, framework and status. The first, which was in Namibia in 1989, was deployed within the framework of the United Nations (UN) statute in terms of which the UN invited the AU. The subsequent election observation missions have to date been deployed either as diplomatic or mediation missions or a combination of diplomatic and independent technical missions. This article shows that the election observation journey of the AU has passed through several stages and regimes. While we recognise the challenges, we also point towards improvement, and identify the missing links that the AU needs to complete to become a truly independent actor in its election observation …

Chika Charles Aniekwe and Samuel Mondays AtuobiVolume 15 Number 1, Jun 20162016vol-15
Paradigm Shift: Youth Engagement in the Conduct of the 2015 Elections in Nigeria
Paradigm Shift: Youth Engagement in the Conduct of the 2015 Elections in Nigeria

This paper examines youth engagement in the conduct of the 2015 general elections in Nigeria, against a backdrop of historical experiences. Discounting the doom youth theory of youth bulge, youth in crisis or lumpen youth culture, the article illustrates a paradigm shift in youth engagement in the conduct of elections. Youth engagement in the 2015 elections was more constructive than in prior elections. Within the context of dual motivation theory, the destructive engagement by youth in the prior elections was motivated by the need to change the outcome, whereas their constructive conduct in the 2015 elections was driven by duty to participate in public affairs in Nigeria. This change in political attitude is explained by a growing consciousness of the potential of young people to act as agents of change. This awareness arises through the aid of social media, coupled with the recent success story of the Arab Spring driven by youth, the inflammable repercussions of previous elections, and the high stakes the 2015 general elections held for Nigerian …

Oarhe OsumahVolume 15 Number 1, Jun 2016, , , nigeria2016 2015vol-15
Electoral Predictions in Africa: Predicting Winners in Relatively Stable Two-Party Systems, using Early and Incomplete Results
Electoral Predictions in Africa: Predicting Winners in Relatively Stable Two-Party Systems, using Early and Incomplete Results

In African elections, the period between polling and announcement can be protracted and tense. In the best cases, this intermission is marked by hopeful candidates urging tense supporters to stay calm. In the worst cases, such periods are used by politicians to hurl accusations of fraud back and forth to work up partisanship and devalue electoral institutions. The days between an election and its results are stressful because incomplete information about this constituency or that trickles out, but partisans have few systematic ways to compare these data with past results or exit polling, and worry that the missing data are somehow being tampered with. This paper shows how OLS regression using past results to fill in partial results can not only reduce uncertainty in the short term, but may also point out whether or not withheld results seem plausible. What began as a simple social media experiment is presented here as an elegant formula that accurately predicts outcomes across Ghana’s Fourth Republic and in Nigeria’s 2015 presidential election. This accuracy was achieved with as little as 10% of the results in, and extremely biased …

Kevin S FridyVolume 15 Number 1, Jun 2016, , , ghana2016vol-15
Journal of African Elections Volume 15 Number 1, June 2016 [Entire Journal]
Journal of African Elections Volume 15 Number 1, June 2016 [Entire Journal]

Volume 15 Number 1, Jun 20162016
Côte d’Ivoire's 2015 Presidential Election: Sign of Democratic Progress?
Côte d’Ivoire’s 2015 Presidential Election: Sign of Democratic Progress?

The 2015 presidential election in Côte d’Ivoire was the first since multiparty elections were introduced in 1990 in which all major parties were able to compete without triggering a civil war. We examine the extent of democratic progress registered by this milestone election, focusing on three democratic qualities of elections: competition, participation, and legitimacy. Whereas competitiveness and participation measures both fell relative to the 2010 election, the 2015 election was contested by all major parties and its results were accepted peacefully, registering a dramatic step forward in the legitimacy of the electoral process and outcome. We support this conclusion with a historical analysis; and by comparing the final 2015 results with parallel vote tabulation for the 2015 election, Afrobarometer survey data from 2014, and a subnational analysis of voter turnout in 2015 relative to …

Tyson Roberts, Joseph Koné, Stéphane Koffi and Kim Yi DionneVolume 15 Number 1, Jun 2016, , , , cote-divoire2016 2015vol-15
A Comparative Case Study of the Voting Behaviour of Poor People in three Selected South African Communities
A Comparative Case Study of the Voting Behaviour of Poor People in three Selected South African Communities

Despite the growing speculation about the electoral power of poor voters, little is known about what influences them to vote the way they do and why. Poor communities are often considered a homogeneous group, with little appreciation for their agency in making electoral choices. In this paper, comparative data are shared from a quantitative study undertaken in two selected poor communities during 2013 in Johannesburg (Riverlea and Doornkop) and a rural community in the Limpopo province in 2014. Two key factors were explored that might explain voter preferences, namely identification and loyalty on the one hand, and on the other clientelism, social grants and vote-buying. Firstly, it was found that long-term party loyalty and party performance are the main predictors of voter preferences, irrespective of geographic location. Secondly, in all three areas, it is unlikely that the majority of poor voters will be persuaded to vote for a particular party on the basis of receiving food parcels before elections. Finally, the study showed that one in six voters would consider voting for a party that provides a social grant, with this trend being most prevalent in the African communities of Doornkop and Limpopo. Therefore, it could be argued that social grants can be used as a campaign strategy of gaining (or retaining) support from grant-holders and could influence the floating …

Yolanda Sadie, Leila Patel and Kim BaldryVolume 15 Number 1, Jun 2016, , , 2016vol-15
'Bunker' Democracy and the Challenges of Sustaining Democratic Values in Nigeria: An Appraisal of the 2011 General Elections
‘Bunker’ Democracy and the Challenges of Sustaining Democratic Values in Nigeria: An Appraisal of the 2011 General Elections

This paper has two focal points. It undertakes a critical review of Nigeria’s 2011 general elections vis-à-vis manifestations of violence across all the regions and zones of the country. It also attempts an in-depth and dispassionate overview of the nexus between democracy and violence. The paper infers that Nigeria is currently operating an ‘insecurity-based democracy’ which can literally be called a ‘bunker democracy’, allegorically describing Nigeria as a country where politicians and the electorate are in constant fear and trepidation for their lives when an election is imminent. I argue that this unwholesome situation should be addressed so that Nigeria does not suffer democratic regression and undue relapse to military autocracy and …

Emmanuel O OjoVolume 15 Number 1, Jun 2016, , , nigeria2016 2011vol-15
Accountability Contract Officers and the Integrity of the 2012 Election outcome in Ghana eisa
Accountability Contract Officers and the Integrity of the 2012 Election outcome in Ghana eisa

The Electoral Commission of Ghana (EC) has successfully managed five out of the six elections since the adoption of Ghana’s 1992 Republican Constitution, which gave legal status to the country’s democratisation process despite some administrative lapses over the years. The 2012 presidential election, however, served as a credibility test for the EC. In this paper my main objective is to analyse critically the Ghana 2012 election petition as an expression of mistrust in, and dissatisfaction with, the EC’s performance. I argue that, at least in the case of Ghana, the success of an electoral process is largely a function of the human factor, not necessarily the legal frameworks and regulations in force. Using the theory of accountability, I analyse the role of temporary election officers in eroding public confidence in electoral processes. I also draw attention to some implications of Ghana’s Supreme Court judgment on election administration in future. My recommendations include punishment for officers whose negligence causes avoidable political tensions, to demonstrate the state’s determination to demand accountability from election officers on behalf of citizens. To support this argument, my study uses thematic content analysis of the petitioners’ court affidavit, the court’s judgment and legal opinions proffered through media …

Ishaq Akmey AlhassanVolume 15 Number 1, Jun 2016, , , 2016 2012vol-15
Production, Economic Growth and Conflict in Risky Elections
Production, Economic Growth and Conflict in Risky Elections

This paper analyses typical situations which exist before and after an election. First, the incumbent and his or her challenger make choices that affect the election results. Second, the election itself determines who wins. Third, the loser may or may not accept defeat. If the defeat is not accepted, either a standoff or a coalition between the incumbent and challenger follows. We assume that the incumbent directs his or her resources into the following activities, which affect the chance of winning an election: production, fighting with the challenger, and providing public goods. Similarly, the challenger directs his or her resources into production and fighting with the incumbent. We examine six possible election outcomes based on whether the incumbent wins, the challenger wins, and whether a standoff or coalition arises after either one of the players wins. We draw conclusions about the effect of the various choices which the incumbent and challenger make. Our analysis is mapped to and tested against empirical data from 51 African elections held between 2006 and 2011 (including one in Eritrea in 1993), which are classified into the six outcomes. A variety of regression results are determined. For example, the current empirical material shows that the election outcome depends crucially on fighting between the incumbent and challenger, and less on public goods provision to the …

Kjell Hausken and Mthuli NcubeVolume 14 Number 2, Oct 2015, , , , , 2015vol-14
Nigeria's fourth Republic (1999-2015) and Electoral Outcomes: How long can Patronage or 'Politics of the Belly' Last
Nigeria’s fourth Republic (1999-2015) and Electoral Outcomes: How long can Patronage or ‘Politics of the Belly’ Last

The relationship between elections and the vitality of a democratic society is clear. Elections have proven to be the best means of strengthening the mandate of a performing administration or removing a non-performing one. This paper argues, however, that the outcomes of several elections in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic have proved contrary to the common trend in most advanced democratic systems, in which electoral outcomes are based on performance. While in some cases, especially in political party primaries, candidates with little or no democratic credentials have emerged during general elections, in other instances administrations with relatively high records of infrastructural development have been voted out. This study traces the most probable causes of this paradox to Nigeria’s money politics and a possible misinterpretation of the concept of development. It is essentially a literature-based study, descriptive but also analytical. The paper concludes that the country will have to contend with the politics of underdevelopment for as long as immediate and pecuniary benefits constitute the expectation of the generality of …

Dhikru Adewale YagboyajuVolume 14 Number 2, Oct 2015, , , , nigeria2015vol-14
Nigeria's 2015 Presidential Election: The Votes, the Fears and the Regime Change
Nigeria’s 2015 Presidential Election: The Votes, the Fears and the Regime Change

Nigeria’s 2015 presidential election has been a landmark in the country’s political history. As the fifth round of elections since the restoration of constitutional rule in 1999, it not only resulted in an alternation of power for the first time in the democratic history of Africa’s largest democracy, but its outcome is widely acknowledged as substantially reflecting the wishes of the electorate. This paper reviews the 2015 presidential contest in Nigeria. It observes that, while the election conferred broad legitimacy on the post-election regime, the expectations that accompany the electoral outcome are a huge challenge for the Buhari administration. The paper identifies some factors that may challenge the aspirations of the new government. It also identifies useful lessons that can be drawn from the outcome of the election. These lessons have implications not only for the management of future elections but, more importantly, for efforts at deepening democratic rule in …

Mojeed Adekunle AnimashaunVolume 14 Number 2, Oct 2015, , , , , nigeria2015vol-14
Lesotho's February 2015 Snap Elections: A Prescription that never cured the Sickness
Lesotho’s February 2015 Snap Elections: A Prescription that never cured the Sickness

Within just two years of its existence, Lesotho’s first coalition government experienced serious internal conflicts. These conflicts were mainly the result of the coalition leaders’ failure to balance coalition agreements against the country’s Constitution. The conflicts paralysed the government and the National Assembly, and polarised security establishments. These political developments required mediation by the Southern African Development Community (SADC), which in turn led to holding ‘snap elections’ in February 2015. This paper discusses the snap elections. Although the elections helped to form and legitimise a new coalition government, they did not resolve the structural challenges that had paralysed the first coalition government. By calling for an early election, SADC mediation failed to prioritise a solution to the security crisis in Lesotho. Security agencies remain polarised, and some politicians have aligned themselves with those agencies to enhance their influence in national politics. The paper concludes that the snap elections provided only a short-term solution to Lesotho’s political and security problems. The new coalition government is likely to experience the same fate as its predecessor. Furthermore, rule of law is likely to be compromised by the new coalition government for the sake of internal …

Tlohang W LetsieVolume 14 Number 2, Oct 2015, , , lesotho2015vol-14
Language Policies and Voter Turnout: Evidence from South Africa
Language Policies and Voter Turnout: Evidence from South Africa

While many studies have probed the relationship between ethnic diversity and voter turnout, few have examined how voter turnout might be influenced by state policies that afford ethnic groups differing levels of official recognition. This study draws on theories at the intersection of political science and sociolinguistics, to develop and test an argument about the effect that language recognition practices in multilingual democratic societies have on voter turnout. Using data from South Africa, the study finds evidence that inclusive language recognition is linked to higher turnout rates for targeted groups. The study utilises aggregate data collected at ward level, but assesses the results in a preliminary fashion with individual-level data from …

Eric S McLaughlinVolume 14 Number 2, Oct 2015, , , , , , south-africa2015vol-14
Free Elections and Political Instability in Lesotho
Free Elections and Political Instability in Lesotho

Since 1993, Lesotho has had six free elections. Five have been followed by episodes of coercive regional diplomacy or military intervention to maintain order or sustain the elected government. Two of these interventions have occurred as Lesotho’s electoral system was being transformed from a first-past-the-post dominant party system to a mixed member proportional pattern, and a third intervention is presently underway. This essay contends that the effort to remedy the prior lack of inclusiveness in Parliament has accentuated the fissiparous proclivities within Lesotho’s political culture. Following the 2012 and 2015 elections, greater fragmentation among political parties led to hung parliaments and coalition governments with minimal parliamentary majorities. This essay questions whether Staffan Lindberg’s conceptual model regarding the link between the consolidation of democracy and the experience of successive free and fair elections can adequately explain Lesotho’s trajectory. Remarkably, the transfers of power by Pakalitha Mosisili to Motsoahae Thomas Thabane in 2012, and by Thabane back to Mosisili in 2015, were the first such exchanges between an incumbent government and an opposition party in southern Africa during the post-liberation era. Whether this positive development might be translated into more effective governance and regard for democratic norms will be …

Richard F WeisfelderVolume 14 Number 2, Oct 2015, , , , lesotho2015vol-14
Facebook: Revolutionising Electoral Campaign in Botswana?
Facebook: Revolutionising Electoral Campaign in Botswana?

Political candidates and parties harnessed Facebook as a tool for political mobilisation and communication at the time of the Botswana 2014 election. This paper explores the use of Facebook as a campaign tool in the 2014 Botswana general election. It argues that the extensive use of Facebook in political campaigning has added a new dimension to electoral campaigns in Botswana, by allowing political parties a relatively cheap means of transmitting information. Furthermore, Facebook has democratised media access, and has afforded people who have previously been side-lined by traditional media an important platform for political mobilization. Accordingly, Facebook has widened the democratic space and reduced the disparities in the electoral arena. Most importantly, it has generated interest in politics among young people. The intersection between Facebook and traditional media and other social media has augmented their efficiency by amplifying their reach. However, Facebook does not replace traditional campaign approaches but rather serves to augment …

Bontle Masilo and Batlang SeaboVolume 14 Number 2, Oct 2015, , , , botswana2015vol-14
Journal of African Elections Volume 14 Number 2 Oct 2015 [Entire Journal]
Journal of African Elections Volume 14 Number 2 Oct 2015 [Entire Journal]

Volume 14 Number 2, Oct 20152015
American Democratic Support to Ghana's Fourth Republic: Assistance or Encumbrance?
American Democratic Support to Ghana’s Fourth Republic: Assistance or Encumbrance?

The end of the Cold War ushered the world into a new era of democratic governance. Citizens in developing countries began to actively contribute to the democratic process, by demanding probity and accountability in existing governance structures. The international donor community added to these efforts by responding to the challenge of the new wave of democratisation in the late 1980s, by embracing ‘democracy assistance’ as a core priority. In January 1993, Ghana inaugurated its Fourth Republic. It was a transition fraught with challenges – which continue to blight the development of a democratic culture. In response, the American Government stepped in with financial and technical support in the hope of helping Ghana to avoid a stall in the county’s democratic development. This aid for democratic development has received plenty of criticism with regard to issues such as as conditionalities imposed by America. The current study used a matched-area comparison to examine the effects of aid programmes. The findings show that the USAID-initiated ECSELL and GAIT programmes have increased local-level democratisation in Ghana by strengthening the capacities and abilities of civil …

Isaac Owusu-MensahVolume 14 Number 2, Oct 2015, , , , ghana2015vol-14
Reproducing Toxic Election Campaigns: Negative Campaigning and Race-Based Politics in the Western Cape
Reproducing Toxic Election Campaigns: Negative Campaigning and Race-Based Politics in the Western Cape

The 2014 election in the Western Cape was once again a high-stakes, fiercely-contested affair. Political parties saw the Western Cape as an ‘open race’ and the province became the centre of vigorous campaign efforts in the lead-up to the election. The African National Congress (ANC), which had lost control of the province because its vote share dropped from 45% in 2004 to 32% in 2009, hoped to unseat the Democratic Alliance (DA), which had won in 2009 by a very narrow margin (51%). The ANC felt that it had done enough to regain control of the province, especially in light of deep-seated disillusionment in many communities and the violent protests that took place prior to the election.While the ANC maintained its support base, winning votes from 33% of the provincial electorate, the type of identity-based campaign it pursued combined with other factors to work to the DA’s advantage. Despite the fact that the DA also engaged in race-based campaigning it won 59% of the provincial vote. This was obtained at the expense of small parties, who received negligible support in the 2014 election. Only the Economic Freedom Fighters and the African Christian Democratic Party won enough votes to obtain a seat each in the provincial legislature. This article examines electoral dynamics in the Western Cape, which saw the consolidation of DA support in the province. It focuses on the 2014 election campaign and the extent to which the negative campaign cycle evident in previous elections continued during the 2014 election …

Cherrel AfricaVolume 14 Number 1, Jun 2015, , , , , 2015vol-14
Public Servant or Censor? The South African Broadcasting Corporation in the Era of Political Television Advertising
Public Servant or Censor? The South African Broadcasting Corporation in the Era of Political Television Advertising

Political television advertising is becoming an important feature of democratic elections and essential to election campaign strategies. In this article we take a close look at the role the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) is playing in the new era of political television advertising ushered in in 2009. We focus our analysis on the banning by the SABC of election advertisements by two major opposition political parties before the 2014 elections. The country’s regulator, the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (Icasa) upheld the decision of the SABC when the two parties filed complaints. The banning of the advertisements and Icasa’s decision are assessed on two important principles for public broadcasting – editorial independence and public accountability. We argue in this article that the action by the public broadcaster undermines freedom of expression and the credibility of both the SABC and Icasa, especially when contextualised within other controversial editorial decisions taken by the broadcaster over the years. Further, we argue that laws governing political advertising in South Africa are constitutionally problematic and contain contradictions in how they should be applied and implemented by both broadcasters and Icasa. We conclude by arguing for a review of these …

Sarah Chiumbu and Antonio CiagliaVolume 14 Number 1, Jun 2015, , , , , , , , , , south-africa2015vol-14
The Impending Collapse of the House of Mamphela Ramphele: Agang SA
The Impending Collapse of the House of Mamphela Ramphele: Agang SA

In the 2014 general elections Agang SA won 52 350 votes (0.28% of the 18654 771 votes cast) and only two seats in the National Assembly. The electoral performance of the newly-formed party was dismal, especially in comparison to that of its fellow debutant, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF). This article explores the reasons for Agang SA’s poor performance and concludes that they may include both the fact that its political message did not resonate with the wider population and the fact that its campaign strategy was ineffectual. However, it would seem that the main reason for the party’s failure was that it was formed around the character and personal successes of one individual – its founder, Dr Mamphela Ramphele. Ramphele’s reputation wittingly or unwittingly shaped the character and orientation of Agang SA, and her political indiscretions compromised its electoral potential. The future of Agang SA is bleak and its collapse almost …

Mashupye H Maserumule, Ricky Munyaradzi Mukonza, Nyawo Gumede and Livhuwani L NdouVolume 14 Number 1, Jun 2015, , , south-africa2015vol-14
The IEC and the 2014 Elections: A Mark of Institutional Maturity?
The IEC and the 2014 Elections: A Mark of Institutional Maturity?

South Africa’s election management body, The Electoral Commission of South Africa (IEC), faced an unprecedented situation in the run-up to the country’s fifth elections. Its chairperson, Pansy Tlakula, was found to have behaved in a manner unbefitting an electoral commissioner. Her misconduct raised concerns about whether or not the IEC would manage the elections impartially. These concerns, together with the prescribed censure for conduct unbecoming of a commissioner, led to a clamour for her removal. The proximity of the elections, however, militated against the resolution of the saga, leading to Tlakula staying on to oversee the elections. This article looks at whether the imbroglio had an impact on the reputation of the IEC. To make this determination, the article draws on survey findings about the IEC’s administration of the elections. Part of the spotlight falls on how the responsible institutions, particularly Parliament and the courts, handled the problem. The article employs an institutionalist theoretical framework to explain its …

Mcebisi NdletyanaVolume 14 Number 1, Jun 2015, , , , south-africa2015 2014vol-14
Election 2014 and the ANC's duet of Dominance and Decline
Election 2014 and the ANC’s duet of Dominance and Decline

The African National Congress (ANC) result in South Africa’s national and provincial elections of 2014 sings in two voices – ‘extraordinary repeat victory’ and ‘monolith in gradual decline’. The fact that the party continued to dominate, with 62% of the national vote, was a significant achievement in this fifth set of national-provincial elections in democratic South Africa. In none of these elections has the ANC polled below 60%. Yet, from whatever angle its result is analysed, decline and decay are evident. The national result trend is one of serial decline over the last three elections. The opposition challenge came from both left and right and the ANC took losses on both flanks; turnout was down, as many of its supporters chose abstention over vote-switching; the ANC became more dependent on rural votes in an urbanising South Africa and results in the metropoles suggest further degeneration, unless the party invents turnarounds. A trend reversal remains possible, yet would be exceedingly difficult given the extraordinary campaign that was required to bring in the 62% in …

Susan BooysenVolume 14 Number 1, Jun 2015, , , , , south-africa2015 2014vol-14
JAE Volume 14 Number 1 Jun 2023 [Entire Journal, Special Issue: South Africa’s 2014 Elections]
JAE Volume 14 Number 1 Jun 2023 [Entire Journal, Special Issue: South Africa’s 2014 Elections]

Volume 14 Number 1, Jun 20152015
The Economic Freedom Fighters: South Africa's turn Towards Populism
The Economic Freedom Fighters: South Africa’s turn Towards Populism

The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) party has made an impact on South African politics since it was launched in 2013. After the general election in 2014 the EFF became the third-largest party in the National Assembly and the official opposition in North West and Limpopo provinces. Some commentators have raised concerns that the EFF’s success represents a turn towards a dangerous populism in South African politics. This article seeks to analyse the EFF as a populist party by arguing that it fits into a global pattern of populism in electoral politics. It uses the category of ‘political style’, as developed by Benjamin Moffitt and Simon Tormey (2014), to discuss the brand of populism espoused by the EFF. The article argues that the performative elements of the EFF’s politics – its uniform and rhetoric, as well as its engagement with national and provincial legislatures – have had the effect of sparking a debate about the relevance of the country’s political institutions 20 years into democratic …

Sithembile MbeteVolume 14 Number 1, Jun 2015, , , , , 2015vol-14
The Democratic Alliance and the role of Opposition Parties in South Africa
The Democratic Alliance and the role of Opposition Parties in South Africa

In the 2014 election the Democratic Alliance (DA) strengthened its electoral support nationally as well as in the Western Cape province, where it governs. It gained over a million new national votes, increasing its total from 2945 829 in 2009 to 4 091 548 in 2014. It also unseated the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) as official opposition in KwaZulu-Natal and became the official opposition in the Eastern Cape, Mpumalanga, Northern Cape and Free State, while strengthening its opposition status in Gauteng from 21.86% of the vote in 2009 to 30.78% in 2014. In the Western Cape it gained 59.38% of the vote, an increase from 51.46% in 2009. This article considers whether the DA’s 2014 electoral gains suggest a strengthening of opposition politics in South Africa. It focuses on whether the DA meets the obligations of an opposition party with regard to providing an institutional space for counter-political elites to organise and providing a viable alternative to the ruling party together with facilitating debate over political issues and public policy while also performing an oversight …

Shauna MottiarVolume 14 Number 1, Jun 2015, , , , , south-africa2015vol-14
A Brief History of Factionalism and New Party Formation and Decline in South Africa: The Case of Cope
A Brief History of Factionalism and New Party Formation and Decline in South Africa: The Case of Cope

There is little analytical literature on the theory and empirical analysis of party factionalism that leads to splits and the formation of new political entities. The existing theoretical literature identifies factors and processes that are split-enabling. When coupled to the dynamics of organisational change, these conceptual tools provide a unique framework for analysing party-political dynamics in South Africa from an historically comparative perspective. This analysis identifies key trends in party splits in both ‘white’ and ‘black’ politics, which serves to illuminate more recent developments with regard to the realignment of opposition politics in South Africa. A conceptual framework combining organisational theory with the literature on party factionalism and party splits has facilitated our case-study focus on the formation, electoral performance and decline of the Congress of the People (Cope) as an opposition party in South Africa. We argue that Cope emerged from factional disputes within the ANC and has subsequently largely been shaped by the dynamics of its split and formation from the ANC, despite its attempt to break ties with the parent party. Existing analyses of Cope examine its performance in terms of policy, electoral and oppositional performance, while the approach this article adopts is to argue that the process of Cope’s formation significantly shaped the conditions of its future internal dynamics and political …

Ivor Sarakinsky and Ebrahim FakirVolume 14 Number 1, Jun 2015, , , , , , 2015vol-14
Introduction: The 2014 Elections: Game-Changer or Continuation of Status-Quo?
Introduction: The 2014 Elections: Game-Changer or Continuation of Status-Quo?

Mcebisi Ndletyana and Mashupye H MaserumuleVolume 14 Number 1, Jun 2015, , , south-africa2015 2014vol-14
The Youth Factor in Zimbabwe's 2013 Harmonised Elections
The Youth Factor in Zimbabwe’s 2013 Harmonised Elections

The youth in Zimbabwe have often been described as disenfranchised, corruptible and susceptible to manipulation by politicians. This narrative assumes that the youth are a homogenous group, uniform in their grievances and consensual about strategies to resolve them. Analysing the case of youth participation in the 2013 harmonised elections in Zimbabwe, this article challenges that assumption by arguing that the youth are polarised and struggling to articulate a national objective that might be able to shift the country’s political discourse. It contends that the majority of Zimbabwean youth act as loosely affiliated individuals seeking personal rather than group benefits. At the same time, by assessing the engagement of youth within political parties either as supporters or officials, the article further argues that the structural dynamics of these political parties deny the youth agency and make them conform. It therefore concludes that participation by the youth in the 2013 elections was mainly driven by individual interests rather than collective grievances or political …

Obert HodziVolume 13 Number 2, Oct 2014, , , zimbabwe2014 2013vol-13
Rigging Through the Courts: The Judiciary and Electoral Fraud in Nigeria
Rigging Through the Courts: The Judiciary and Electoral Fraud in Nigeria

Since Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 elections in the country have been accompanied by reports of widespread fraud. A number of studies have illustrated the many ways in which electoral fraud is perpetrated in Nigeria. However, there is yet to be a serious study showing the judicial dimension to such fraud. This study reveals the relationship of the judiciary to electoral fraud. Analysing data sourced from written records (newspaper reports, election observers’ reports, law reports and political party publications) and interviews, the study argues that the structure and condition of the Nigerian judiciary can help to explain the incidence of electoral fraud in the country. It also makes a new contribution to the existing literature on the nature and causes of electoral fraud, showing that non-electoral institutions, especially the judiciary, and non-political elites can be relevant to the explanation of electoral fraud in a …

Hakeem Onapajo and Ufo Okeke UzodikeVolume 13 Number 2, Oct 2014, , , , , , nigeria2014vol-13
Reinforcing Authoritarian Rule: Electoral Politics in Angola
Reinforcing Authoritarian Rule: Electoral Politics in Angola

In the aftermath of the conclusion of the peace process in Angola in 1992 the Angolan government managed to establish formal democratic institutions. Foremost on the agenda was the decision to allow for multiparty elections. Yet the launch of electoral politics as part of the democratic landscape in Angola has not led to the development of a culture of tolerance and openness typical of democratic societies. On the contrary, the outbreak of a civil war following the disputed elections in 1992 gave the Angolan government the opportunity to revert to its authoritarian ways. The consequence of this reversal was that the elections of 2008 have not led to the entrenchment or the development of electoral democracy but rather to the reinforcement of electoral authoritarianism. This article posits that while the foundation for the evolution of electoral democracy has been laid, the Angolan government can, at best, be described as an electoral authoritarian state that reinforces its hegemony over Angolan society through electoral processes which do not conform to democratic …

Lesley BlaauwVolume 13 Number 2, Oct 2014, , , 2014vol-13
Monetary Clout and Electoral Politics in Kenya: The 1992 to 2013 Presidential Elections in Focus
Monetary Clout and Electoral Politics in Kenya: The 1992 to 2013 Presidential Elections in Focus

This article sets out to analyse the role and impact of monetary power in Kenya’s presidential elections. It examines the economic advantages or lack thereof which each of the candidates marshalled to fight the elections and the extent to which the economic edge determined the final outcome. The article focuses on the five presidential elections Kenya has held since its first multiparty dispensation. The analysis traces the consistency of trends and the presence, or absence, of patterns in an attempt to draw generalisations and parallels, and demonstrates how economic wealth has been used by Kenyan presidential candidates since 1992 to influence and win elections. The article contributes to a comprehensive understanding of the conceptual, legal and practical development of the role of money in supporting and/or discrediting presidential electoral processes and outcomes in …

Lukong Stella Shulika, Wilson Kamau Muna and Stephen MutulaVolume 13 Number 2, Oct 2014, , , 2014 2013vol-13
The 'Menu of Manipulation' and the 2013 Zimbabwe Elections: Towards explaining the ‘technical knockout’
The ‘Menu of Manipulation’ and the 2013 Zimbabwe Elections: Towards explaining the ‘technical knockout’

A year after Zimbabwe’s July 2013 elections some are still mystified by the results, especially the overwhelming triumph of incumbent President Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF). The outcome seemed to go against the grain. Zanu-PF achieved a supermajority, capturing more than two-thirds of the parliamentary seats. Its chief rival, the Morgan Tsvangirai-led Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T) only offered feeble competition and was left befuddled, wondering what had hit it. To date, few know what exactly happened to the opposition forces and their ‘pro-democracy’ allies in civil society and how it happened. However, there is anecdotal and circumstantial evidence that can be used to deduce what might have taken place. This article seeks to do …

Eldred V MasunungureVolume 13 Number 2, Oct 2014, , , , zimbabwe2014 2013vol-13
Land, Indigenisation and Empowerment: Narratives that Made a Difference in Zimbabwe’s 2013 Elections
Land, Indigenisation and Empowerment: Narratives that Made a Difference in Zimbabwe’s 2013 Elections

The 2013 harmonised elections held in Zimbabwe after the termination of the SADC- facilitated Government of National Unity elicited unprecedented comment following another resounding ‘win’ by the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF). This article reflects on the election and argues that while competitive authoritarianism contributed significantly to the party’s ‘landslide victory’, it is slipshod to ignore the centrality to its electoral success of Zanu-PF’s populist stance with respect to land, indigenisation and empowerment. The article also examines the significance of hate speech as a negative campaign strategy employed by Zanu-PF to portray the main opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in the most negative light. It concludes that the election was reduced to ‘fantasies of salvation’ by President Robert Mugabe as a charismatic leader, primarily because the electorate was seduced into viewing Zanu-PF as the most credible party to pull the country out of the economic quagmire through its land, indigenisation, empowerment, ‘pro-poor’ and anti-Western policies. These policies resonated well with the growing numbers of wage-less youthful voters,1 who constitute more than 60% of the country’s …

Booker MagureVolume 13 Number 2, Oct 2014, , zimbabwe2014 2013vol-13
Ethnicity and/or Issues? The 2013 General Elections in Western Kenya
Ethnicity and/or Issues? The 2013 General Elections in Western Kenya

It is often assumed that Kenyans vote on the basis of ethnic identification rather than the socio-economic and political issues affecting their lives. However, experience from earlier elections shows that issues and interests are important drivers in giving form and expression to identity politics. This article examines the interaction between ethnic identification and issue differentiation in the March 2013 general elections in Western Kenya by identifying factors that influenced the outcomes in the six simultaneous elections. The article is based on observation, interviews and data collected in a survey of four constituencies inhabited by Luo- and Luyia-speaking people in Western Kenya during the campaign period and immediately after the elections. The study suggests that while constituencies may have voted as a bloc along ethnic identification lines – especially with respect to national politics and the presidential election – their choices were also differentiated and informed by specific issues, especially at the county and constituency …

Frederick O Wanyama,Jørgen Elklit, Bodil Folke Frederiksen and Preben KaarsholmVolume 13 Number 2, Oct 2014, , , kenya2014 2013vol-13
Journal of African Elections Volume 13 Number 2 Oct 2014 [Entire Journal]
Journal of African Elections Volume 13 Number 2 Oct 2014 [Entire Journal]

Volume 13 Number 2, Oct 20142014
Civil Society's Contested Role in the 2013 Elections in Zimbabwe: A Historical Perspective
Civil Society’s Contested Role in the 2013 Elections in Zimbabwe: A Historical Perspective

This article is a critical and historical assessment of the contribution of Zimbabwe’s bourgeoning civil society to the restructuring of political and social relations in post-colonial Zimbabwe. The general objective is to contribute to the debate about how Zimbabwe’s post-colonial civil society has theorised about change and, importantly, the deeply contested nature of the agency that this has generated. The article concentrates on how civil society structured itself and acted before the elections on 31 July 2013, which the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF) ‘won resoundingly’. What emerges is that while the economic despair of the 1990s and the breakdown in the national consensus mobilised an almost ‘popular democratic front’ this changed course in the subsequent decade, weakening the ‘popular’ and ‘democratic’ nature of civil society agency. The foundation of ‘liberal rights’ and ‘democracy’ and ‘good governance’ powerfully amalgamated in the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) and the ‘No Vote’ in 2000 became theoretically feeble and revealed a debilitating post-colonial impasse – an interregnum during which an urban-based intelligentsia-led theorisation and agency was momentarily checkmated by a violent nationalist …

Tamuka Charles Chirimambowa and Tinashe Lukas ChimedzaVolume 13 Number 2, Oct 2014, , , , 2014 2013vol-13
Briefing Zimbabwe's 2013 Elections: Two Constitutional Controversies and Comments on Some Structural Matters
Briefing Zimbabwe’s 2013 Elections: Two Constitutional Controversies and Comments on Some Structural Matters

Zimbabwe’s 2013 elections were tainted with illegality. This article focuses on two constitutional issues: the election date controversy and the use of the Presidential Powers (Temporary) Measures Act to effect amendments to the Electoral Act. It is argued that the language of the Constitution was not followed. An artificial interpretation of the relevant constitutional provisions undermined the rule of law and the separation of powers. This is disturbing, since the meaning of the constitutional provisions concerned is not obscure. The article also describes some of the ‘structures’ under which the election was conducted. The powers and composition of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, the impact of proportional representation on the legislature and the rules governing the election of the president are therefore outlined and …

Greg LiningtonVolume 13 Number 2, Oct 2014, , , 2014 2013vol-13
Some Preliminary Conclusions on the Causes and Consequences of Political Party Alliances and Coalitions in Africa
Some Preliminary Conclusions on the Causes and Consequences of Political Party Alliances and Coalitions in Africa

Tom LodgeVolume 13 Number, 1 Jun 2014, , , , , , 2014
Kenya's Decade of Experiments with Political Party Alliances and Coalitions: Motivations, Impact and Prospects
Kenya’s Decade of Experiments with Political Party Alliances and Coalitions: Motivations, Impact and Prospects

This article explains the causes, factors and motivations influencing the formation (the survival and the collapse) of pre-electoral alliances and coalition governments in Kenya. It also looks at the consequences of alliances and coalitions for national cohesion and the party system. The paper demonstrates that alliances and coalitions contribute to national cohesion in Kenya by bringing together polarised political parties and ethnic groups and ensuring a more equitable sharing of national resources. Conversely it argues that while party alliances and coalitions do contribute to a degree of national cohesion their disintegration may, in certain circumstances, undo the progress achieved in building national cohesion. Finally the study shows that party alliances and coalitions tend to weaken smaller parties and the party system in favour of the larger …

Denis Kadima and Felix OwuorVolume 13 Number 1, Jun 2014, , , , , , , kenya2014vol-13
An Introduction to the Politics of Party Alliances and Coalitions in Socially-Divided Africa
An Introduction to the Politics of Party Alliances and Coalitions in Socially-Divided Africa

There is a gradual emergence of a body of knowledge about the factors that stimulate the formation, survival and disintegration of party alliances and coalitions in Africa. What is relatively less known is the impact of these alliances and coalitions on various aspects of political and governance systems in African countries. This article is a modest step towards explaining the effects of party alliances and coalitions on national cohesion and party systems in Africa’s socially-divided …

Denis KadimaVolume 13 Number 1, Jun 20142014vol-13
Electoral Alliances in Africa: What Do We Know, What Can We Do?
Electoral Alliances in Africa: What Do We Know, What Can We Do?

Under what circumstances do opposition parties form electoral alliances, when are they successful, and how do they contribute to democratisation? These are the leading questions in recent studies of opposition coalitions. This article reviews the quantitative literature on pre-electoral coalitions in Africa and beyond. Although differences in operationationalisation, periodisation, case selection and research design hinder the accumulation of knowledge, the tendency is for the quantitative literature to highlight government policies, opposition features and the economy, whereas the qualitative literature focuses on institutions. In addition, this article points to the party system as a variable in its own right. Shifting from the empirical to the prescriptive, the conclusion discusses an institutional innovation that would help to strengthen opposition coalitions in …

Matthijs BogaardsVolume 13 Number 1, Jun 2014, , , , , 2014vol-13
Journal of African Elections Volume 13 Number 1, June 2014 [Entire Journal, Special Issue: Understanding the Causes and Consequences of Political Party Alliances and Coalitions in Africa]
Journal of African Elections Volume 13 Number 1, June 2014 [Entire Journal, Special Issue: Understanding the Causes and Consequences of Political Party Alliances and Coalitions in Africa]

Volume 13 Number 1, Jun 20142014
Compromise and Contestation: Understanding the Drivers and Implications of Coalition Behaviour in Africa
Compromise and Contestation: Understanding the Drivers and Implications of Coalition Behaviour in Africa

When and why do African political parties form electoral alliances? And how do these alliances translate into post-electoral governance and policymaking? To answer these questions, this article presents data on preelectoral coalitions for executive elections formed in all African countries between 1990 and 2013. Office-seeking motives overwhelmingly explain the goals of these coalitions but a variety of other factors, including two-round electoral systems, access to financing and the timing of coalition pacts, help determine whether such coalitions last until election day. Post-electoral coalitions have manifested in three main ways, including pre-electoral pacts that result in post-electoral Cabinet sharing, unity governments intended to end a political crisis, and parliamentary coalitions. The article concludes that while coalitions may occasionally lead to party turnover and end violent conflicts, their long-term consequences with regard to creating strong ties with voters, helping parties mature, encouraging more efficient policymaking and eliminating underlying sources of social contention remain more …

Danielle ResnickVolume 13 Number 1, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , 2014vol-13
The Causes of Political Party Alliances and Coalitions and their Effects on National Cohesion in India
The Causes of Political Party Alliances and Coalitions and their Effects on National Cohesion in India

Electoral politics in India has long been considered a challenge for comparative politics; from the distinctiveness of the transition and consolidation of democracy and through the understanding of the way in which the socio-economic complexities of such a heterogeneous society have adapted to and interacted with the institutions of parliamentary politics. Since the 1990s India has experienced the conjunction of a period of complex electoral fractionalisation with considerable and sustained economic growth. This has confounded expectations that the political context that is most conducive to economic development is one of strong and stable government. Rather, the contemporary experience of Indian development has occurred against the backdrop of a dynamic and regionalised party system, with coherence provided by a weakened central executive which has had to limit direct control over economic and social policy. To some extent this has been achieved because of an institutional structure of governance which has responded to the evolution of popular politics, providing a framework of governance which has reflected some of the national diversity and filled some of the power vacuums left unfilled by the fiercely competitive but often corrupt and inefficient party political system. However, a major factor has been the way in which electoral alliances and government coalitions have become an accepted feature of Indian democratic politics, forcing acceptance that compromise, power-sharing, and recognition of diversity are essential elements of successful …

Alistair McMillanVolume 13 Number 1, Jun 2014, , , , , india2014vol-13
Causes and Impact of Party Alliances on the Party System and National Cohesion South Africa
Causes and Impact of Party Alliances on the Party System and National Cohesion South Africa

South Africa’s first decade of democracy, 1994-2004, delivered a high volume of governing and opposition alliances and coalitions in South Africa. These alliances and coalitions catalysed the party system and facilitated the consolidation of ANC power. Simultaneously, alliances in this decade triggered the main opposition party, the DA, which continued to dominate opposition politics numerically through Election 2014. The second decade of democracy, 2004-2014, was characterised by continued ANC dominance, yet, instead of the ANC unremittingly usurping parties, it became subject to splits. Some of the split-offs emerged to become opposition parties. Others fused into alliances with either the ANC or existing opposition parties. This article takes stock of the development during these two decades and looks ahead to budding new alliances that may thrive in conditions of lessened ANC …

Susan BooysenVolume 13 Number 1, Jun 2014, , , , , , 2014vol-13
Alliances et Coalitions de Partis Politiques en République Démocratique du Congo: Causes et Conséquences
Alliances et Coalitions de Partis Politiques en République Démocratique du Congo: Causes et Conséquences

In 2006 and 2011 the holding of general, legislative and presidential elections gave rise in the DRC to the formation of alliances and coalitions of political parties particularly around candidates Joseph Kabila and Jean Pierre Bemba (2006), and between Joseph Kabila and Etienne Tshisekedi (2011). The reasons underlying this practice will not be not been those relating to the objectives of consolidating democracy, governability of the state or national cohesion. Only the desire to bring together the greatest number of votes and to conquer presidential power will have was the real motivation. The consequence was the paralysis of democracy parliamentary on the one hand and on the other the weakening of national cohesion. Alliances and coalitions in this case were not a factor in the institutional development, of Congolese parliamentarism. The practice Congolese would constitute in itself a false model which does not, however, invalidate theories of alliances and coalitions but requires …

Philippe Biyoya Makutu and Rossy Mukendi TshimangaVolume 13 Number 1, Jun 20142014
Alliances, Coalitions and the Political System in Lesotho: 2007-2012
Alliances, Coalitions and the Political System in Lesotho: 2007-2012

This paper assesses political party alliances and coalitions in Lesotho, focusing on their causes and their consequences for party systems, democratic consolidation, national cohesion and state governability. We agree with Kapa (2008) that formation of the pre-2007 alliances can be explained in terms of office-seeking theory in that the political elite used alliances to access and retain power. These alliances altered the country’s party system, leading to conflict between parties inside and outside Parliament, as well as effectively changing the mixed member proportional (MMP) electoral system into a parallel one, thereby violating the spirit of the system. However, the phenomenon did not change state governability; it effectively perpetuated the one-party dominance of the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) and threatened national cohesion. The post-2012 coalition, on the other hand, was a product of a hung parliament produced by the elections. The impact of the coalition on the party system, state governability and democratic consolidation is yet to be determined as the coalition phenomenon is still new. However, state governability has been marked by a generally very slow pace of policy implementation and the party system has been both polarised and reconfigured while national cohesion has been strengthened. The major challenge for political leaders is to manage the coalition arrangement for the good of the country, which we strongly feel they must, since it seems that coalition governments are very likely to be a permanent feature of Lesotho …

Motlamelle Anthony Kapa and Victor ShaleVolume 13 Number 1, Jun 2014, , , , , , , lesotho2014 2012 2007vol-13
Alliances, Coalitions and the Weakening of the Party System in Malawi
Alliances, Coalitions and the Weakening of the Party System in Malawi

In nascent democracies, like that in Malawi, with presidential regimes and plurality electoral systems, the emergence of fragmented political party systems is inevitable, characterised by ethnically polarised political behaviour, fragile institutions and minority governments. This ultimately leads to volatile and contentious legislative-executive relations, weak political party cohesion and the stagnation of democratic consolidation. Malawi’s system inherently offers neither incentives for coalition formation nor mutual interdependence between the executive and the legislature. Hence, the latent conflicts, persistent governance crises, inertia and grinding executive-legislative confrontations. Among political actors and across minority regimes in Malawi recourse to coalition politics has not been embraced as an optimal democratic instrument and formal strategy for state governability since 1994. The Mutharika minority government (2004-2009), which was persistently frustrated by parliamentary paralysis, survived on the floorcrossing inducements of opposition legislators, extended judicial injunctions and the presidential prorogation of Parliament. In addition, the brief ‘experiments’ with government coalitions, ‘collusions’ and electoral alliances weakened cohesion within partner parties and hardly increased national cohesion, but promoted state governability and yielded marginal gains in democratic consolidation. This article argues that political institutions that are designed to encourage formal political coalitions and discourage floorcrossing (parliamentary systems and proportional electoral laws) serve to mitigate against state instability and enhance democratic …

Samson LembaniVolume 13 Number 1, Jun 2014, , , , , , , , , malawi2014vol-13
Understanding Election-Related Violence in Africa: Patterns, Causes, Consequences and a Framework for Preventive Action

From Algeria to South Africa, passing through Côte d’Ivoire, Kenya, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Zimbabwe, election-related violence has imposed itself as a full component of Africa’s political landscape in the past two decades. The prevalence of such violence in Africa has led to the production of abundant literature dedicated to the matter. This research seeks to contribute to the existing academic literature by focusing specifically on the patterns, causes and consequences of election-related violence on the continent. The central argument of the article is that, although the patterns, causes and consequences of election-related violence do not necessarily follow the same trends in different African countries (due to, among other factors, inter-country historical, socio-economic and political differences), there are commonalities in the types, causes and consequences of such violence on the continent. While a thorough understanding of the patterns and causes of election-related violence in Africa constitutes an important point of departure in addressing the problem, an effective prevention strategy should embrace a multi-level approach targeting all significant stakeholders in any electoral process, including the political leadership, the electoral management body, civil society organisations, the general public and external …

Sadiki KokoVolume 12 Number 3, Dec 2013, , , , , , democratic-republic-of-congo drc2013vol-12-volumes
‘Why participate in elections if we’re not properly represented?’ Women’s political participation and representation in SADC countries

Increased democratisation in Southern Africa might suggest that gender equality no longer matters in the politics of countries in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. Yet the political participation and representation of women remains controversial owing to gender stereotypes, rhetoric, tokenism and patriarchy. Critically examining the political processes in the SADC region, specifically elections, gender and women’s role in a democracy, the article acknowledges progressive legislation and some ‘successes’ in a few countries in the region, but contends that the situation of women in the politics of these countries remains unsatisfactory and that it requires political will and collective action to ensure substantive participation and representation in governance processes. Based on a literature review, data analysis and theoretical postulations about women’s political participation and representation, the article argues that much more needs to be done in this regard. To understand the hurdles women face in politics in the SADC region, especially political party rhetoric and patriarchy, the author explores a few theories, including the Ubuntu philosophy, and revisits the debates over women’s quotas in political parties to improve participation and representation. The conclusion suggests measures for empowering women candidates and political party members, while urging women to show more interest in politics, particularly …

Kealeboga MaphunyeVolume 12 Number 3, Dec 2013, , , , , , , , , , botswana lesotho mozambique namibia south-africa swaziland zimbabwe2013vol-12-volumes
Stay in power whatever it takes: Fraud and Repression in the 2011 Elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo

In 2011 the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) held its second competitive presidential and legislative elections since it gained its independence in 1960. While it was expected that these elections would reflect a significant improvement over those in 2006, they were marred by such grave irregularities that the outcome was described by most election observer missions as lacking credibility. This article draws on the reports of election observer missions, statements from key stakeholders and media reports in order to discern the most salient dynamics of electoral misconduct in the DRC in 2011. Given the nature and degree of electoral fraud, the article argues that the election debacle was not the result of technical and accidental factors but was the product of a systematic and state-sponsored design to rig the elections in favour of the incumbent president and members of Parliament from his political camp. In order to quell popular protest against stolen elections the incumbent used illegitimate and excessive violence aimed at terrorising the people and forcing actual and potential protesters into submission. This analysis suggests that the democratic project in the Congo has experienced a dramatic reversal. In order to safeguard the democratisation process it is crucial that national and international stakeholders tackle the foundations of this type of electoral …

M E MavunguVolume 12 Number 3, Dec 2013, , , , democratic-republic-of-congo drc2013 2011vol-12-volumes
Revision and Reform of an Electoral Act in a Democratic Environment: The Namibian Case

Namibia is revising and reforming its Electoral Act (Act No 24 of 1992). In this undertaking stakeholders were consulted and public meetings were held throughout the country. In the subsequent report (2012) there were 59 recommendations of ways in which the Electoral Act could be improved. Electoral revision implies re-examining the Electoral Act within the context of democracy. The aim is to discover and rectify errors and shortcomings. Since electoral revision achieves reform, the two concepts are intertwined, with the intention of both being to strengthen the qualities of an Electoral Act. In this process, apart from efficiency, public desires and expectations must be attended to. In addition to the administrative and managerial task of running elections attention must be paid to the normative character of an electoral process, which is substantially determined by electoral justice. A number of principles are identified in relation to the character of electoral justice. These principles should be pursued both by stakeholders in the electoral process and the electoral bodies responsible for conducting elections in a democratic …

Gerhard TötemeyerVolume 12 Number 3, Dec 2013, , , , namibia2013vol-12-volumes
Old Wine in New Skins: Kenya’s 2013 Elections and the Triumph of the Ancien Régime

On 4 March 2013 Kenya held transitional elections that were significant for three reasons. Firstly, they were a test of the country’s institutions under the new Constitution, which was promulgated in 2010. In 2007 Kenya experienced violently disputed elections, partly because of weak and dysfunctional institutions not capable of impartially arbitrating political disputes. Secondly, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto presented a joint presidential ticket despite having been indicted by the International Criminal Court as among suspected masterminds of the 2007-8 post-election violence. Thirdly, Raila Odinga, the loser of the controversial 2007 presidential election, attempted to succeed the incumbent, Mwai Kibaki, through a third presidential bid. Thus stakes were much higher in 2013 than at any other election time in Kenya’s independence history. Some reforms under the new Constitution, the Kikuyu-Kalenjin tribal alliance and the ICC factor ensured that the elections were relatively violence free. However, as in the past, the presidential contest was primarily about control of the state by expediently cobbled together ethnic alliances of self-styled ethno-regional barons for spoliation opportunities. In this article I argue that the triumph of the ICC duo was a setback for reform since it ensured continued dominance of Kenya’s economic and political spheres by the ancien régime. Kenyatta and Ruto could not countenance reforms because they were beneficiaries of an unreformed and centralised state. Thus they were bound to frustrate implementation of the Constitution, which was intended to secure Kenya’s stability by consolidating …

Westen Kwatemba ShilahoVolume 12 Number 3, Dec 2013, , , , , , kenya2013vol-12-volumes
Gender Dynamics in Elections in Africa

Gender, an important concept in African elections, has been largely ignored, yet the majority of voters tend to be women, while those who hold the authority and are elected to political positions are mostly men. This article examines the understanding of gender in the African context and analyses the underlying causes of the gender paradox. Using a multi- inter- and trans-disciplinary approach, the concept of gender is scrutinised within the election cycle. Findings about gender dynamics drawn from African nations showed that less than 30% of representatives in elected African parliaments are women. The reasons for this gender disparity appear to be deeply embedded in the historical and ideological traditions within the political, economic and social dimensions of Africa’s development. The article ends with the identification of barriers to entry for women candidates in selected African countries. Strategies for transforming gender inequities in elections are …

Esther Kibuka-SebitosiVolume 12 Number 3, Dec 2013, , , , , 2013vol-12-volumes
Electoral Competition in Botswana: Is the Playing Field Level?

The central thesis of this article is that the electoral process in Botswana belies the oft-cited claim that the country is a haven of democracy. Botswana has held ten successive elections since 1965, yet the same party, the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP), has been returned to power without fail. At a glance, and taking these elections into consideration, Botswana would appear to be an extraordinary country in the African context – one where democracy is in the process of consolidation. Far from it. A closer assessment shows that Botswana’s electoral competition is deceptive and that there is a deficit of competitive elections, a key requisite for the consolidation of democracy. The article examines the factors that contribute to the flawed electoral competition and concludes that the country’s electoral process does not satisfy international standards of free and fair …

David Sebudubudu and Bugalo MaripeVolume 12 Number 2, Oct 2013, , , , botswana2013vol-12-volumes
Journal of African Elections Volume 12 Number 3 Dec 2013 (Entire Journal, Special Issue: The Evolving Role of Elections in Africa)

Volume 12 Number 3, Dec 20132013
The Youth and Party Manifestos in Ghanain Politics: The Case of the 2012 General Elections
The Youth and Party Manifestos in Ghanain Politics: The Case of the 2012 General Elections

In the run-up to Ghana’s 2012 general elections ‘gutter politics’, the kind of politicking that focuses on mudslinging, vituperation, personal attacks and character assassination, which usually characterises the nation’s election campaigns, gave way to issue-based politics. The contents of the manifestos of the two main political parties, the National Democratic Congress and the New Patriotic Party, were brought into sharp focus. Indeed, through the activities of civil society organisations such as the Institute of Economic Affairs and state bodies like the National Commission for Civic Education, politicians campaigned vigorously by articulating the key policy prescriptions encapsulated in their manifestos. The contents of the manifestos of the two main political parties were virtually the same apart from their policies on senior high school education. Given that the youth constitute the majority of the nation’s voting population they were the main target of the various campaign messages, particularly those concerning education, with a view to capturing their support. Through interviews with some 200 respondents aged between 18 and 35 and drawn from a cross section of young people, this study investigates the relevance of party manifesto contents in shaping the voter behaviour of young …

Ransford Edward Van Gyampo and Emmanuel DebrahVolume 12 Number 2, Oct 2013, , , , , ghana2013 2012vol-12-volumes
Sustaining Peace and Stability in Ghana: Appraising the Role of the National Election Security Task Force in the 2012 Elections
Sustaining Peace and Stability in Ghana: Appraising the Role of the National Election Security Task Force in the 2012 Elections

This article examines the role of the National Election Security Task Force (NESTF) in the 2012 elections in Ghana. It traces the history of electoral politics in Ghana’s Fourth Republic, highlighting significant developments and security challenges from 1992, with a particular focus on the 2012 elections. The structure, composition and powers as well as the functions of the NESTF are discussed. The article further examines the performance of the NESTF during all three phases of the elections relative to security challenges, responses and emerging issues that require urgent policy reforms. Based on face-to-face interviews and participant observations, the article concludes that the 2012 elections were not only keenly contested but all three phases were marred by extreme violence, particularly because of the novelty of the biometric voter registration and verification system. While commending various election stakeholders such as the Electoral Commission of Ghana, we argue that although the election results were contested in court, the NESTF, in particular, played an exemplary role in averting possible conflict after the declaration of the results. We recommend, however, that in subsequent elections the security forces should be seen to be neutral and government should also ensure adequate provision of logistics, transport and communication devices to ensure free, fair and violence-free …

Festus Aubyn and Mustapha AbdallahVolume 12 Number 2, Oct 2013, , , , ghana2013 2012vol-12-volumes
Oil and Ghana's 2012 Presidential Elections: Reinvigorating the 'Resource Curse'?
Oil and Ghana’s 2012 Presidential Elections: Reinvigorating the ‘Resource Curse’?

The nature of ideology in Ghana’s 2012 elections has not been studied, but to do so is key to understanding social, economic and political developments in the country. This article tries to fill the gap. Theoretical guidance is taken from Giovanni Arrighi’s The Long Twentieth Century (1994). While the analysis is cast in the longue durée, the empirical evidence is mostly extracted from the 2012 elections. Contrary to earlier findings that ideology plays no part in Ghanaian politics, it is argued that it was central, to the campaign at least, but that the position is one of common economic liberalism rather than multiple ideologies. So, while rhetorically the parties asserted their differences, substantially and substantively, aspiration rather than ascription was the common unifying logic of the two major political parties. This assessment has some positive but mostly very disturbing implications for the distribution of …

Charles Nyuykonge and Keitumetse LetsoaloVolume 12 Number 2, Oct 2013, , , , ghana2013 2012vol-12-volumes
The Nature of Ideology in Ghana's 2012 Elections
The Nature of Ideology in Ghana’s 2012 Elections

The nature of ideology in Ghana’s 2012 elections has not been studied, but to do so is key to understanding social, economic and political developments in the country. This article tries to fill the gap. Theoretical guidance is taken from Giovanni Arrighi’s The Long Twentieth Century (1994). While the analysis is cast in the longue durée, the empirical evidence is mostly extracted from the 2012 elections. Contrary to earlier findings that ideology plays no part in Ghanaian politics, it is argued that it was central, to the campaign at least, but that the position is one of common economic liberalism rather than multiple ideologies. So, while rhetorically the parties asserted their differences, substantially and substantively, aspiration rather than ascription was the common unifying logic of the two major political parties. This assessment has some positive but mostly very disturbing implications for the distribution of …

Franklin Obeng-OdoomVolume 12 Number 2, Oct 2013, , , , , , , , 2013 2012vol-12-volumes
Making Democracy Work?: Quasi-Public Entities and the Drama of Elections in Ghana
Making Democracy Work?: Quasi-Public Entities and the Drama of Elections in Ghana

Since Ghana made the transition to multiparty democracy in the early 1990s there has been a progressive improvement in electoral management and the acceptance by the political players of election results. Six successive elections have been held so far, with two crucial power alternations between two hostile political parties in 2001 and 2009. The 2012 elections presented an opportunity for the country to continue along the path of democratic consolidation. However, the outcome of the elections was vigorously disputed and contested in court by the main opposition party, nearly bringing the country to the brink of violence. This article makes a contribution to ongoing debates about why some elections pass peacefully and results are accepted, while others do not. Various studies have focused on the role of formal institutions in ensuring credible and fair elections. This article, however, emphasises the importance of informal institutions in explaining variations in electoral outcomes and legitimacy in …

Volume 12 Number 2, Oct 2013, , , , ghana2013vol-12-volumes
The Institutional Framework of the 2012 Elections in Ghana: Consolidating or Reversing Democratic Achievement?
The Institutional Framework of the 2012 Elections in Ghana: Consolidating or Reversing Democratic Achievement?

The 2012 elections were peaceful, but the results were contested by the New Patriotic Party in a petition brought to the Supreme Court challenging the National Democratic Congress and the Electoral Commission of Ghana. Revelations during the hearing of the petition raised some disquiet about the abilities of the ECG and the integrity of Ghana’s electoral institutions. The fallout from the 2012 elections demands a critical intellectual engagement with the institutional foundation of the elections. There were several institutional changes in the Ghanaian system in the build-up to the elections as well as changes in the general political economy of the country that have made access to public office particularly attractive. This article reviews the institutional context of the elections and examines the constitutional and non-constitutional rules relating to electoral governance, focusing on such issues as electoral management, delimitation of constituencies and assembly size, electoral formula, voting procedure and ballot structure and the party system. It demonstrates how these institutions were implicated in the challenges relating to the electoral process during the 2012 elections, providing insights into how to overcome …

E Remi Aiyede, Idris Erameh and Tosin OrimoladeVolume 12 Number 2, October 2013, , , ghana2013 2012vol-12-volumes
Ghana Defies the Odds Yet Again: The December 2012 Elections in Perspective
Ghana Defies the Odds Yet Again: The December 2012 Elections in Perspective

J Shola OmotolaVolume 12 Number 2, October 2013, , , , , 2013 2012
Film review: Watching an African Election
Film review: Watching an African Election

This article examines the role of the National Election Security Task Force (NESTF) in the 2012 elections in Ghana. It traces the history of electoral politics in Ghana’s Fourth Republic, highlighting significant developments and security challenges from 1992, with a particular focus on the 2012 elections. The structure, composition and powers as well as the functions of the NESTF are discussed. The article further examines the performance of the NESTF during all three phases of the elections relative to security challenges, responses and emerging issues that require urgent policy reforms. Based on face-to-face interviews and participant observations, the article concludes that the 2012 elections were not only keenly contested but all three phases were marred by extreme violence, particularly because of the novelty of the biometric voter registration and verification system. While commending various election stakeholders such as the Electoral Commission of Ghana, we argue that although the election results were contested in court, the NESTF, in particular, played an exemplary role in averting possible conflict after the declaration of the results. We recommend, however, that in subsequent elections the security forces should be seen to be neutral and government should also ensure adequate provision of logistics, transport and communication devices to ensure free, fair and violence-free …

Tom Lodge2013
The Electoral Commission of Ghana and the Administration of the 2012 Elections
The Electoral Commission of Ghana and the Administration of the 2012 Elections

Ghana’s Fourth Republic has a reputation for having a reasonably high degree of institutionalisation in election administration. Its electoral and democratic success stories have largely been associated with the autonomy enhancing institutional design and leadership of the Electoral Commission of Ghana (ECG), which engender a degree of public confidence and trust. The 2012 elections, however, produced an ominous twist in the hitherto sacrosanct nature of democratic legitimacy in Ghana. This article assesses the role of the ECG, drawing on the quality of the elections, measured by the level of participation, competitiveness and legitimacy, as well as the actions and inactions of the ECG at critical stages in the electoral cycle. Overall, the ECG could be adjudged to have done well, especially on the first two indicators, given the high level of voter turnout (80.15%) and the closeness of the total votes and seats won by the ruling National Democratic Congress and the main opposition, the New Patriotic Party. However, the legitimacy of the election was fiercely challenged with the opposition’s rejection of the results and attendant litigation in the Supreme Court. The problem may have been accentuated by the new political economy of oil and the strong desire to access and control oil windfall, the messy application of biometric voter verification as a result of the malfunctioning of the equipment and the controversy over the delimitation of 45 new constituencies in a manner interpreted by opposition parties as gerrymandering. It seems these are not heady days for Ghana’s democracy. Rising levels of adversarial elite behaviour not only pose serious democratic threats they raise questions about the depth of the much touted institutional foundations of the country’s …

J Shola OmotolaVolume 12 Number 2, October 2013, , , , , , , , , , ghana2013 2012vol-12-volumes
Journal of African Elections Volume 12 Number 2, Oct 2013 [Entire Journal, Special Issue: Ghana’s 2012 Elections]
Journal of African Elections Volume 12 Number 2, Oct 2013 [Entire Journal, Special Issue: Ghana’s 2012 Elections]

Volume 12 Number 2, October 20132013
Party-Voter Linkage in Senegal: The Rise and Fall of Abdoulaye Wade and the Parti Démocratique Sénégalais
Party-Voter Linkage in Senegal: The Rise and Fall of Abdoulaye Wade and the Parti Démocratique Sénégalais

In March 2012 Abdoulaye Wade was defeated by Macky Sall in the hotly contested presidential elections in Senegal. This article uses the concept of party-voter linkage to examine how and why Wade and his party, the Parti Démocratique Sénégalais (PDS), lost touch with the electorate. It is argued that this failure must be viewed within the context of a complex process of social change that challenged traditional, often clientelistic, forms of linkage. As an alternative strategy, the PDS emphasised the personal charisma of its leader. Charismatic linkage, however, is naturally unstable, and the PDS began to lose public support. These findings suggest that political parties in Senegal cannot build their strategies on clientelism and charisma alone, they will have to begin to compete over issues and develop programmatic visions. If this challenge is not taken up, the long-term prospects for democratic representation and effective linkage are …

Anja OseiVolume 12 Number 1, Jun 2013, , , , senegal2013vol-12-volumes
Party Institutionalisation in Mozambique: 'The Party of the State' vs the Opposition
Party Institutionalisation in Mozambique: ‘The Party of the State’ vs the Opposition

The article probes party institutionalisation in Mozambique and argues that only three of the more than 50 registered political parties there are ‘effective’, namely Frelimo, which is highly institutionalised; Renamo, which is collapsing organisationally yet has a high level of social rootedness; and an institutionalising MDM. The article concludes that although the opposition parties are partly to blame for their misfortunes, the nature of Frelimo’s relationship with society bears the main responsibility for the impoverishment of the opposition parties because it makes it difficult for opposition parties to break in and challenge its control over the …

Adriano Nuvunga and Eduardo SitoeVolume 12 Number 1, Jun 2013, , , , , mozambique2013vol-12-volumes
Obituary: John Makumbe, Scholar, Activist and Author
Obituary: John Makumbe, Scholar, Activist and Author

Volume 12 Number 1, Jun 2013, , , , 2013
International Justice vs Public Opinion: The ICC and Ethnic Polarisation in the 2013 Kenyan Election
International Justice vs Public Opinion: The ICC and Ethnic Polarisation in the 2013 Kenyan Election

The article probes party institutionalisation in Mozambique and argues that only three of the more than 50 registered political parties there are ‘effective’, namely Frelimo, which is highly institutionalised; Renamo, which is collapsing organisationally yet has a high level of social rootedness; and an institutionalising MDM. The article concludes that although the opposition parties are partly to blame for their misfortunes, the nature of Frelimo’s relationship with society bears the main responsibility for the impoverishment of the opposition parties because it makes it difficult for opposition parties to break in and challenge its control over the …

Thomas P WolfVolume 12 Number 1, Jun 2013, , , , mozambique2013vol-12-volumes
Journal of African Elections Volume 12 Number 1, Jun [Entire Journal]
Journal of African Elections Volume 12 Number 1, Jun [Entire Journal]

2013
Democracy and States' Compliance with Regional and Sub-Regional Election Benchmarks in Africa: The 28 November 2011 Elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo in Retrospect
Democracy and States’ Compliance with Regional and Sub-Regional Election Benchmarks in Africa: The 28 November 2011 Elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo in Retrospect

Since the beginning of the century elections have been held regularly in several African countries. Unfortunately, these elections have generally failed to comply with regional and sub-regional electoral norms adopted to promote credible and transparent elections and contribute to democratic consolidation. The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is a representative and dramatic case of the region’s experience with democracy and multiparty elections. This article reflects on democracy and the 28 November 2011 presidential and parliamentary elections in the DRC. It revisits the concepts of democracy, elections and the rule of law, which are at the heart of this reflection, and the relationship among them. It examines the electoral laws and processes, the social-political and social environment as well as national and international reactions to these elections in the DRC, which is a representative but dramatic case study of Africa’s experience with democracy and elections. It then assesses the DRC’s compliance with the regional and sub-regional norms and principles governing democratic elections. It concludes that the DRC unfortunately failed to comply and draws some lessons about democratic consolidation in …

André Mbata ManguVolume 12 Number 1, June 2013, , , , , , , , , , democratic-republic-of-congo drc2013 2011vol-12-volumes
Briefing: Continuity or Reform in Zimbabwean Politics?: An Overview of the 2013 Referendum
Briefing: Continuity or Reform in Zimbabwean Politics?: An Overview of the 2013 Referendum

In the first post-independence constitutional referendum, held in February 2000, fewer than half the country’s registered voters participated. The outcome of that referendum was that about 54% of voters voted against the draft constitution while 45% voted for it. The referendum proved to be a major watershed in Zimbabwean politics, partly because it signalled a decade-long slide into authoritarianism. It would take more than another decade for political parties to negotiate a fresh draft. Relatively speaking, the 2013 referendum, held on 16 March, was, therefore, more successful in engendering greater participation and generating a positive result. An estimated 60% of the electorate participated, with an overwhelming 93% endorsing the draft constitution. What explains the upsurge in levels of voter participation in 2013 compared to 2000, and the different outcomes? Does the 2013 outcome signify a significant shift towards reform in Zimbabwean politics? These are the salient issues that this briefing seeks to address. The briefing begins with a presentation of the highlights of the referendum results then chronicles the constitution-making process itself, reflecting on the key provisions contained in the draft. This forms the background for the reflections on whether these processes and the outcome signify a trend towards reform rather than a continuation of authoritarian …

Lloyd M SachikonyeVolume 12 Number 1, Jun 2013, , , , , , , 2013vol-12-volumes
Congolese Elections 2011: Mostly a Problem of Global Governance and Negative 'Soft Power', not Resources
Congolese Elections 2011: Mostly a Problem of Global Governance and Negative ‘Soft Power’, not Resources

When Congolese President Joseph Kabila was inaugurated for a second term on 20 December 2011 the fallout from the 28 November elections in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) was ‘situation normal: continued instability’. After Kabila’s main opponent, Etienne Tshisekedi, ‘swore himself in’ on 23 December (Tshisekedi website), there were two men claiming to be president and several other candidates demanding a new ballot. The 2006 elections, the DRC’s first since the Global and Inclusive Agreement (Dialogue Inter-Congolais 2002), were shambolic, but clearly legitimate (UN 2007, Carter Center 2006a, b, c). This was partly due to the fact that the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Monuc) had a stronger presence than its successor, the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Monusco). There was also more international attention in 2006, including an EU rapid reaction force. However, many of the issues in the 2011 election – violence, logistical problems and irregularities – were present in the previous one (see, eg, UN 2006; Carter Center 2006a, b, c). There was possibly as much international financial and logistical support as there had been in 2006. There were fewer international observers but more local ones. The main differences relate to context, the structure of international assistance and the lack of a second presidential round. The crisis had been years in the making. More important than diminished engagement in the mechanics of the election was the international community’s sham attention to governance in sub-Saharan Africa and the culture of impunity it has encouraged. The West, unlike China, has failed to appreciate the strategic importance of the DRC. By encouraging regional dictators instead of enthusiastically supporting the rule of law early and often, it tacitly encouraged bad …

Timothy B ReidVolume 12 Number 1, Jun 2013, , , democratic-republic-of-congo drc2013 2011vol-12-volumes
The 2012 General Elections in Lesotho: A Step Towards the Consolidation of Democracy
The 2012 General Elections in Lesotho: A Step Towards the Consolidation of Democracy

The May 2012 general elections in Lesotho were held in the best political climate since democracy returned to the country in 1993. Even the minor disputes that surfaced were resolved speedily before they could graduate into serious election-related conflict. The elections were historic in that the results were not disputed. In addition, for the first time in the country’s history the elections failed to produce a clear winner, hence the formation of a coalition government. The elections also resulted in a change of leadership, bringing to an end Pakalitha Mosisili’s 14-year rule. The article contends that the peaceful conduct of the elections was the result of the amendments made to the country’s electoral laws and the preparedness of the Independent Electoral Commission. It goes further to show how the Democratic Congress, the party with a relative majority of parliamentary seats, came to be omitted from the coalition government and was relegated to the opposition. All these, the article argues, are positive developments in the country’s move towards democratic …

Tlohang W LetsieVolume 12 Number 1, Jun 2013, , , , , lesotho2013 2012vol-12-volumes
A Vote of Confidence: Gender Differences in Attitudes to Electoral Participation and Experience in South Africa
A Vote of Confidence: Gender Differences in Attitudes to Electoral Participation and Experience in South Africa

Despite a sizeable body of literature on the extent and nature of gender differences in electoral participation in developed countries there is limited evidence for developing countries such as South Africa. This study employs data from two nationally representative surveys, namely the 2010 Voter Participation Survey and the 2011 Election Satisfaction Survey, to investigate the relative importance of factors associated with voting decisions among men and women. The article specifically considers cultural modernisation and rational choice accounts of voter turnout. On average, we find more similarity than difference between women and men. Multivariate analysis shows that political efficacy, political interest and a history of voting were common significant determinants of intention to vote in municipal elections, though a sense of a duty to vote, satisfaction with service delivery and political knowledge were important for women exclusively. Political orientation emerges as more important for electoral abstinence than administrative and ther individual barriers, again with little discernible gender variation. The results highlight the importance of civic education initiatives and improved responsiveness of elected officials in meeting the needs of women and men. Continued investment is also required to consolidate recent gains in electoral administration and ensure that the benefits of voting continue to outweigh the costs. Sustained turnout levels in future municipal elections are likely to be determined by the success of such …

Benjamin Roberts, Jarè Struwig and Arlene GrossbergVolume 11 Number 2, October 2012, , south-africa2012vol-11-volumes
Transforming Women's Role in Local Government in Lesotho through a Women's Quota
Transforming Women’s Role in Local Government in Lesotho through a Women’s Quota

Lesotho introduced a quota for women in local government in 2005 amid different interpretations of the concept and the general preparations for elections. The phase II era of decentralisation, after the quota for women was introduced, was marked by the October 2011 local government elections. In both instances a deliberate effort was made to reserve one-third representation for women, though each time in a different way. This article analyses the way in which the government’s efforts to use a legal framework to challenge traditional and patriarchal tendencies have evolved. It argues that while the introduction of a quota is a good development it was not properly institutionalised in 2005, nor have the changes introduced in 2011 improved the situation. The article argues that insufficient dialogue has led the government and civil society to miss a valuable opportunity to use a women’s quota in local government to change women’s political, social and economic …

Sofonea ShaleVolume 11 Number 2, October 2012, , , , , lesotho2012vol-11-volumes
The Rights-Based Approach to Local Government and Service Delivery: Putting Women (back) in the Centre of Attention
The Rights-Based Approach to Local Government and Service Delivery: Putting Women (back) in the Centre of Attention

A telephone survey of municipalities throughout South Africa undertaken in May 2010 by the South African Local Government Association (SALGA) produced a baseline of the status quo with regard to local government responses to gender equality and women’s empowerment across six key municipal indicators: capacity, policy, strategies or plans, integrated development plans (IDPs), service delivery and budget implementation plans (SDBIPs) and performance management (PM). The article poses three key questions relating to the findings: • Against the backdrop of developmental local government, what is the mandate of local government as far as gender equality and women’s empowerment are concerned? • Taking into account the survey results, what does a rights-based approach to local government mean? • If local government does not, at present, adequately address the gender equality concerns of women as a group, what do we need to do differently to see different …

Carla AckermanVolume 11 Number 2, October 2012, , , , , south-africa2012vol-11-volumes
Partying Along in Silence: Violence against Women and South African Political Party Manifestos for the Local Government Elections of May 2011
Partying Along in Silence: Violence against Women and South African Political Party Manifestos for the Local Government Elections of May 2011

The high incidence of gender-based violence (GBV) in South Africa, as well as its serious consequences, makes such violence a matter of central policy concern to women. Local government programmes provide ample scope for intervening in GBV. But to what extent do political parties recognise this local-level role? To explore this question the authors analysed the manifestos of seven political parties released prior to South Africa’s 2011 local government elections, finding that, overall, parties offered few concrete and specific proposals for addressing GBV. The thinness of the manifestos, it is argued, illustrates the fact that the mere presence of women in political parties does not, in and of itself, automatically result in policies with gender content. In this context, mandating quotas only ensures that large numbers of female politicians are now championing gender-blind policies. Ultimately, attention must be paid both to parties’ policies and to their quota of women politicians if meaningful change to women’s lives is to be …

Lisa Vetten and Alexandra LeisegangVolume 11 Number 2, October 2012, , , , 2012 2011vol-11-volumes
The Marginalised Majority: Zimbabwe’s Women in Rural Local Government
The Marginalised Majority: Zimbabwe’s Women in Rural Local Government

Much has been written about gender and the involvement of women in politics, and convention upon convention has been written to address gender inequalities. But hitherto, in Africa, it has all been much ado about nothing. In Zimbabwe, and indeed many other countries, local government elections are open for all to vote and be voted into office, but the superstructure militates against the free participation of women in these elections. This article examines the limited participation of women in local government elections and decision making, as evidenced by the fact that only 2.76% of councillors elected in 1998 were women and 13.25% in the 2008 local council elections. Sadly, the upper echelons of political power have remained a remarkably resilient bastion of male exclusivity and efforts undertaken to redress the gender imbalance have been superficial. This article juxtaposes these efforts with Zimbabwe’s Rural District Councils Capacity Building Programme (RDCCBP), which used a holistic approach to institutional development but failed to address the unequal gender relations in the rural district councils (RDCs). As the major targets of RDC policies, women were coerced into submission. The article argues that where women constitute more than half of the voting population it is in the interests of democratic and egalitarian principles that they should be represented in proportion to their numbers (that is, descriptive representation). Women have a stake and an interest in politics. The political violence seen during the elections strongly militates against the free participation of women. Using the case of Zimbabwe’s RDCs I argue that peaceful elections and the unequal gender relations should be at the heart of any capacity-building effort for meaningful and sustainable …

David MandiyanikeVolume 11 Number 2, October 2012, , , , , , zimbabwe2012vol-11-volumes
Gender Equality and Local Elections: Gender Mainstreaming, Party Manifestos, Party Lists and Municipal Planning
Gender Equality and Local Elections: Gender Mainstreaming, Party Manifestos, Party Lists and Municipal Planning

Women’s representation and participation in political parties and governance processes require examination. South Africa is a signatory of the 2008 SADC Protocol on Gender and Development, which commits member states to put in place measures to bring about 50% representation for women in decision-making positions by 2015. This article draws on research findings and interventions undertaken by the South African Commission for Gender Equality (CGE) to raise issues relating to gender equality, women’s political representation and municipal gender mainstreaming and service delivery in relation to the May 2011 local government elections in South Africa. CGE research findings include an analysis of political party lists in terms of women’s representation, the gender mainstreaming in a sample of political party manifestos and an analysis of gender mainstreaming in a sample of municipal integrated development plans (IDPs). The CGE enquiry focuses on the extent to which the gendered needs of communities, and constitutional and legislative prescripts, inform and are prioritised in these IDPs. The CGE’s interest centres on the gendered aspects of poverty, inequality and local social and economic development. CGE research points to poor representation of women in positions of leadership, despite the country’s commitment to the 2015 protocol. In addition, there is evidence of gender insensitivity and a lack of gender transformation within political parties and inadequate internal policies and programmes to promote and support women and address issues such as sexual harassment. Recommendations point to the need for legislation on the 50% quota to compel parties to enact measures to encourage and promote women’s participation and leadership and ensure their equitable representation on party …

Janine Hicks and Imraan BuccusVolume 11 Number 2, October 2012, , , , , , south-africa2012vol-11-volumes
Journal of African Elections Volume 11 Number 2 Oct 2012 [Entire Journal]
Journal of African Elections Volume 11 Number 2 Oct 2012 [Entire Journal]

Volume 11 Number 2, October 20122012
Security Arrangements for the 2011 Elections
Security Arrangements for the 2011 Elections

This article reviews the security arrangements that undergirded the relative peace and order that characterised the 2011 general elections. It explores the security guarantees for the various phases of the election and argues that the elaborate security arrangements not only ensured relative peace but contributed to the credibility of the elections. It argues, further, that the neutrality of the security agencies reflects the commitment of the president to ensuring free and fair elections and therefore the uncompromised use of security agencies. The agencies were therefore able to cooperate with each other and with the electoral management body to support the electoral process. The article also suggests possible improvements in the security arrangements for future …

Osisioma B C NwoliseVolume 11 Number 1, June 2012, , , , , , nigeria2012 2011vol-11-volumes
Editorial: The Politics of Electoral Reform in Nigeria, 2007-2011
Editorial: The Politics of Electoral Reform in Nigeria, 2007-2011

Emmanuel Remi AiyedeVolume 11 number 1, June 2012nigeria2012 2011 2007
Political Participation and Voter Turnout in Nigeria's 2011 Elections
Political Participation and Voter Turnout in Nigeria’s 2011 Elections

This article explores political participation as one of the most important indicators of the democratic quality of elections and a prime criterion for defining democratic citizenship. It places specific emphasis on voter turnout as the most important form of political participation, but also as an important indicator of the state of health of any democracy, old or new, consolidated or in transition, where high voter turnout is usually associated with a healthy democracy. More specifically, the article explores voter turnout in Nigeria’s 2011 general elections and the factors underlying the turnout. Following brief theoretical postulations on political participation and the history of voter turnout in Nigeria, the article analyses the turnout in 2011, reflecting on its underlying forces and spatial dimensions. It also covers generally discernible trends and notable variations across geopolitical zones. Overall, the growing deployment and influence of the social media, the electoral reform process, which boosted public trust in electoral institutions and processes, President Jonathan’s oft-repeated assurances to the local and international community that he would not interfere in the electoral process, the active engagement of civil society, violence before and during elections, the north-south divide over the rotational presidency and zoning all had an impact on turnout. The findings have important policy implications for improving turnout in future …

J Shola Omotola & Gbenga AiyedogbonVolume 11 Number 1, June 2012, , nigeria2012 2011vol-11-volumes
Monitoring and Observing Nigeria's 2011 Elections
Monitoring and Observing Nigeria’s 2011 Elections

Nigeria’s 2011 elections marked a watershed in the country’s democracy. Before then elections conducted there had been marred by controversy, with monitors and observers who assessed the quality of elections consistently questioning their integrity. The 2011 elections, however, received resounding approval as an improvement. This article examines the monitoring and observation by international and local groups of the 2011 elections. It underlines the qualified credibility of the elections considering the level of irregularities and violence noted by observers and monitors and argues that the declaration of the elections as credible must not detract from the need to be mindful of their inadequacies if Nigeria is to reap the benefit of election monitoring and observation in future …

Olubukola AdesinaVolume 11 Number 1, June 2012, , , , , nigeria2012 2011vol-11-volumes
The Legal and Constitutional Framework of the 2011 Elections in Nigeria
The Legal and Constitutional Framework of the 2011 Elections in Nigeria

The electoral topography of the Nigerian postcolonial state reveals that contests for the control of power degenerate more often than not into elite driven violence that undermines the nation-building and democratic projects. In interrogating the legal and constitutional context and the outcome of the 2011 election in Nigeria this paper draws on Foucault’s notion of governmentality, along with the concept of garrison politics, to unpack the central role that techniques, practices and strategies of governmental power play in the domination of the social, economic and political space, to the detriment of the citizenry. I argue that although the 2011 election was regarded as relatively ‘free and fair’ its aftermath, nevertheless, reveals the way centralisation of power is recurrently deployed through neopatrimonial networks to entrench elite pillage, which undermines the ethos of participatory democracy and constitutionalism. I contend that in order to avert corrosive decline and civic disengagement it is imperative to rethink and urgently reconstitute the institutional logic of the Nigerian state in such a manner that it will enhance the empowerment of the citizenry and the enthronement of a transparent, inclusive, developmentalist and responsive system of …

Dauda AbubakarVolume 11 Number 1, June 2012, , , nigeria2012 2011vol-11-volumes
Gender Politics and the 2011 Elections
Gender Politics and the 2011 Elections

This paper provides an analysis of the results of the 2011 elections by gender and offers an explanation for the trends noted. It observes that since the 2011 elections there has been a slight fall in the number of women in elected positions. Nigeria is still a long way from meeting the international standard of 35% representation for women. Factors accounting for the situation include structural issues of religion and culture, women’s lack of access to funds, godfatherism in the political parties and the undemocratic disposition of party leaders, political and electoral violence and vote buying. Arguing that increased participation of women will improve the quality of decision-making by enriching the harvest of ideas to inform policy, it maintains that the poor participation of women in politics casts doubts on Nigeria’s democratic credentials. Democracy relies on the principles of liberty, equality and full participation of all citizens in government activities. The 2011 election results show that the needs and interests of women will remain peripheral and that the presence of a critical mass of women in decision-making processes and leadership positions will be achieved only in the long …

Antonia Taiye Okoosi-SimbineVolume 11 Number 1, June 2012, , , , , , nigeria2012 2011vol-11-volumes
Gender, Political Parties and the Reproduction of Patriarchy in Nigeria: A Reflection on the Democratisation Process, 1999-2011
Gender, Political Parties and the Reproduction of Patriarchy in Nigeria: A Reflection on the Democratisation Process, 1999-2011

This article examines issues of women’s involvement in party politics in Nigeria against the background of the 2011 general elections. It explores the influence of patriarchal disposition on women’s participation as well as the extent (or otherwise) to which women are respected and accepted as equal stakeholders in democratic politics and party decision-making organs. It shows that the marginalisation of women defies legal and constitutional guarantees and must be tackled simultaneously with patriarchy by the following means: establishing continuous dialogue between women and men leaders, increasing women’s participation in local elections, endorsing and entrenching a quota system/mechanism in national and political party constitutions, reviewing electoral systems and adopting those most conducive to women’s participation (for example, proportional representation). Political parties should establish legal funds to enable women politicians to challenge electoral malpractices in …

A Irene PogosonVolume 11 Number 1, June 2012, , , , , , , nigeria2012 2011vol-11-volumes
Federalism, Power Sharing and the 2011 Presidential Election in Nigeria
Federalism, Power Sharing and the 2011 Presidential Election in Nigeria

Power sharing has become a prominent feature of post-election conflict management practice in Africa in recent times. A study of the Nigerian experience provides useful lessons about the theory and practice of power sharing in a divided society with a federal system. Nigeria instituted the ‘zoning with rotation’ principle to shore up the affirmative action/federal character principle earlier devised to manage the inter-ethnic tensions that followed the crisis thrown up by the annulment of the presidential elections of 12 June 1993. This article examines the challenges and debates over power sharing in the build-up to the 2011 elections as a result of the entrance of Goodluck Jonathan (a southerner) into the presidential race, made possible by the death of President Umar Musa Yar’Adua (a northerner) in a clear upset of the power-sharing arrangement. It argues that while the ‘zoning with rotation’ principle remains useful for stability and representation in Nigeria its sustenance depends on its flexible application and the creativity of the elites as they negotiate and manage the power disequilibrium that results from perceived access or lack of access of segments of Nigerian society to top political office. The Nigerian case shows that the ‘zoning with rotation’ principle is problematic as a long-term solution because it constrains the notion of free political competition and the uncertain outcomes that are central to …

Emmanuel Remi AiyedeVolume 11 Number 1, June 2012, , , , , nigeria2012 2011vol-11-volumes
Journal of African Elections Volume 11 Number 1 June 2012 [Entire Journal, Special Issue: Nigeria’s 2011 Elections]
Journal of African Elections Volume 11 Number 1 June 2012 [Entire Journal, Special Issue: Nigeria’s 2011 Elections]

Volume 11 Number 1, June 2012 [Special Issue]2012
The Cost of the 2011 General Elections in Nigeria
The Cost of the 2011 General Elections in Nigeria

This article examines the cost of the 2011 general elections in Nigeria in real and financial terms. It reviews the regulatory framework for financing the elections and attempts to estimate the costs, drawing on figures and reports published by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and reports relating to the financial activities of political parties, candidates and other politicians. It estimates the cost to have been about N566.2-billion,1 representing about 2% of the gross domestic product. This figure does not include party and campaign financing. The article explores other, nonmonetary, costs, including the loss of life and property in the violence that followed the elections, and concludes that the cost of the elections was too high for the sustenance of democracy. Hopeful that future elections will cost less, it offers suggestions about ways of reducing costs without impinging on the integrity of …

Emmanuel Remi Aiyede and Oma AregbeyenVolume 11 Number 1, June 2012 [Special Issue], , , , nigeria2012 2011vol-11-volumes
Editorial: West Africa in Context: Elections and the Challenges of Democratic Governance
Editorial: West Africa in Context: Elections and the Challenges of Democratic Governance

Abdul Rahman LaminJAE Volume 10 Number 2, Oct 20112011
The Tension Between Militarisation and Democratisation in West Africa: A Comparative Analysis of Niger and Guinea
The Tension Between Militarisation and Democratisation in West Africa: A Comparative Analysis of Niger and Guinea

While there has been some progress in West Africa towards shedding the dark history of militarism that spanned the 1960s-1980s and embracing democratisation, militarism still lingers, remaining a ghost that has haunted the democracy project that began in the region in the 1990s. Thus, West Africa has faced enormous challenges in its quest for democratisation. One of the biggest of these has been the militarisation of politics and of society at large. This problem persists even today, after encouraging progress towards democratisation in the past two decades. Two countries in the region that epitomise this recurring tension between militarisation and democratisation are undoubtedly Niger and Guinea. Both of them manifest the consequences of a governance deficit and the problems of democratic transition in which the military continues to play a dominant role. This chapter examines critically the tension between militarisation and democratisation in West Africa in general, with specific focus on Niger and Guinea. In an attempt to provide a comparative analysis of the two cases the chapter assesses progress made, highlights existing challenges and draws lessons that might be relevant for other African …

Khabele Matlosa and David Dossou ZounmenouVolume 10 Number 2, Oct 2011, , , , , guinea niger2011vol-10-volumes
Ghanaian Elections and Conflict management: Interrogating the Absolute Majority System
Ghanaian Elections and Conflict management: Interrogating the Absolute Majority System

The post-electoral crisis in Côte d’Ivoire reached its boiling point with a brief, yet devastating armed confrontation between the national security and defence forces loyal to former president Laurent Gbagbo and the Republican Forces of Côte d’Ivoire (FRCI) who supported his rival, Alasane Dramane Ouattara. The confrontation led to the capture of Gbagbo, with French troops playing an active role, under the aegis of a UN mandate. The situation has raised questions about the legitimacy of the UN intervention and of Ouattara’s ascent to power. The recourse to military means to oust Gbagbo came as diplomatic initiatives, including a resolution by the African Union to resolve the crisis peacefully, were resisted and resented by Gbagbo’s entourage, while the security situation deteriorated rapidly. A key question, therefore, given the controversial UN intervention, is related to the ability of the new president to govern the country effectively and to address the main problems that have caused the descent of the former beacon of stability into political …

David Dossou Zounmenou and Abdul Rahman LaminVolume 10 Number 2, Oct 2011, , , , , , , cote-divoire2011vol-10-volumes
Journal of African Elections Volume 10 Number 2 Oct 2011 [Entire Journal: Special Issue, West Africa]
Journal of African Elections Volume 10 Number 2 Oct 2011 [Entire Journal: Special Issue, West Africa]

2011
Côte d'Ivoire's Post-electoral Crisis: Ouattara Rules but can he govern?
Côte d’Ivoire’s Post-electoral Crisis: Ouattara Rules but can he govern?

The post-electoral crisis in Côte d’Ivoire reached its boiling point with a brief, yet devastating armed confrontation between the national security and defence forces loyal to former president Laurent Gbagbo and the Republican Forces of Côte d’Ivoire (FRCI) who supported his rival, Alasane Dramane Ouattara. The confrontation led to the capture of Gbagbo, with French troops playing an active role, under the aegis of a UN mandate. The situation has raised questions about the legitimacy of the UN intervention and of Ouattara’s ascent to power. The recourse to military means to oust Gbagbo came as diplomatic initiatives, including a resolution by the African Union to resolve the crisis peacefully, were resisted and resented by Gbagbo’s entourage, while the security situation deteriorated rapidly. A key question, therefore, given the controversial UN intervention, is related to the ability of the new president to govern the country effectively and to address the main problems that have caused the descent of the former beacon of stability into political …

David Dossou Zounmenou and Abdul Rahman LaminVolume 10 Number 2, Oct 2011, , , , , , cote-divoire2011vol-10-volumes
The 2011 Presidential Elections in Benin: Explaining the Success of One of Two Firsts
The 2011 Presidential Elections in Benin: Explaining the Success of One of Two Firsts

Since 1991 Benin has been considered a model of democratisation in Africa. Indeed, since its first multiparty elections in the post-Cold War era, held in March 1991, three different heads of state have alternated at the helm of the country, each coming and leaving according to the prevailing constitutional norms. All of them have been ‘independent’ candidates, not supported by a specific political party. Each of the presidential elections has gone into a run-off poll and the main opposition parties have failed to coalesce behind one of theirs in an attempt to win the presidency. But for the 2011 election, the main political parties formed an alliance, in the hope of defeating the incumbent candidate, who nevertheless won in the first round. It was the first time the opposition had formed such a formidable coalition and the first time, too, that a presidential candidate won without a run-off. This article attempts to explain this apparent ‘anomaly’ in Beninese politics and, in doing so, sheds some light on the main candidates in the 2011 election, the stakes involved and how the poll compared to previous ones. It concludes that incumbent president Boni Yayi may have won fairly on election day, but that a rigged voters’ roll played a role in his …

Issaka K SouaréVolume 10 Number 2, Oct 2011, , , , , , , , , , , benin2011vol-10-volumes
The 2011 Nigerian Elections: An Empirical Review
The 2011 Nigerian Elections: An Empirical Review

Nigeria held presidential and parliamentary elections in April 2011, the fourth since the return to democracy in 1999. While both domestic and international observers judged the elections to be free, fair and transparent it must be stated that there is more work to be done by Nigeria’s Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in order to consolidate the gains made in 2011. In other words, if credible elections are to become a fact of Nigeria’s political life, as promised by the late President Umaru Yar’Adua and his then vice-president, Goodluck Jonathan, when they ran on the same ticket in 2007 in what many agreed were fraudulent elections, INEC and other stakeholders have their work cut out for them. This article is an attempt to review empirically the 2011 general elections in Nigeria. It highlights the challenges facing INEC and recommends ways of overcoming …

Ben Simon Okolo and R Okey OnunkwoVolume 10 Number 2, Oct 2011, , , , , nigeria2011vol-10-volumes
Throwing Out the Baby With the Bath Water: The Third-Term Agenda and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria's Fourth Republic
Throwing Out the Baby With the Bath Water: The Third-Term Agenda and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic

The date 29 May 1999 marked the advent of another period of democratic governance in Nigeria. Before that the country’s post-independence history had been mired in instability and characterised by political violence, frequent military coups and a profound crisis of legitimacy. The military, which had given the people some hope in the face of the patron-client politics of the first and second democratic republics, dashed expectations as military rule became synonymous with corruption, economic mismanagement and gross human rights abuses such that Nigerians began to yearn for a return to democracy. This was the mood when the ‘fourth wave’ of democracy flowed across the political landscape in 1999. The article examines how democracy fared in Nigeria between 1999 and 2009, especially under former president Olusegun Obasanjo, who, in 1999, became Nigeria’s third democratically elected president. It examines specifically Obasanjo’s self-perpetuation bid and its impact on democratic consolidation in the country and concludes that Nigeria’s democratisation process is still trapped in its transitional …

Christopher Isike and Sakiemi Idoniboye-ObuVolume 10 Number 1, June 2011, , , , , , , , nigeria2011vol-10-volumes
Ten years of Democratic Local Government Elections in South Africa: Is the Tide Turning?
Ten years of Democratic Local Government Elections in South Africa: Is the Tide Turning?

Since the 2006 local elections the ruling African National Congress (ANC) has lost a total of 48 wards in by-elections and won only 15. This is a complete reversal of the party’s performance between 2000 and 2006 when it lost only five wards and won 47. Does this signify a change in South African voting patterns? This chapter is based on an in-depth analysis of election data provided by the Electoral Commission of South Africa on its website. The analysis covers a ten-year period from 2000 to 2010 and includes results of the 2011 local elections. It also refers to the national elections of 1994 and 1999 to make a comparison. The analysis shows the dominance of the ANC since the first democratic elections in South Africa in 1994, which it won, and continued to increase its voter support, peaking in 2004 with a 69.69% majority. Similarly, in local elections the ANC dominated in 2000 and 2006. The 2011 local elections show a slightly different picture. By-elections are also discussed, with data demonstrating a similar trend to that in the national and local elections. The period from 1994 to 2006 was a period of growth for the ANC and the period 2007 to 2010 was a period of decline, thus demonstrating a Bell Curve …

RD RussonVolume 10 Number 1, Jun 2011, , , south-africa2011vol-10-volumes
Southern Sudan Referendum on Self-determination: Legal Challenges and Procedural Solutions
Southern Sudan Referendum on Self-determination: Legal Challenges and Procedural Solutions

This study attempts to analyse the major challenges encountered in the organisation of the Southern Sudan Referendum on Self-Determination and how these challenges were addressed, enabling the referendum to take place in a peaceful environment, with a high degree of transparency and fairness. In doing so it aims to identify a few lessons which, though emerging from the particular experience of the Sudan, can be used as a general paradigm in future similar contexts. The Southern Sudan Referendum Commission had less than four months to prepare, organise and conduct the operations within a broad mandate conferred by the Southern Sudan Referendum Act, many sections of which lacked clarity. The interpretation and application of this law represented, in several instances, a serious challenge to the organisation of the referendum, adding complexity to a process already made difficult by time and operational constraints amplified by the size of the territory and the highly sensitive political environment characterised by mistrust among the partners in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. The study begins with a brief introduction to the political and legal background of the referendum and of the Southern Sudan Referendum Commission, including its role and structure. It proceeds with an analysis of the legal and regulatory framework, aimed at identifying the main challenges to the process and the solutions found in order to allow the referendum to take place in a timely, peaceful and orderly …

Francesca MarzaticoVolume 10 Number 1, Jun 2011, , , , , sudan2011vol-10-volumes
Public Perceptions of Judicial Decisions on Election Disputes: The Case of the 2007 General Election in Nigeria
Public Perceptions of Judicial Decisions on Election Disputes: The Case of the 2007 General Election in Nigeria

In a plural and deeply divided society like that in Nigeria post-election disputes are a recurring problem and if care is not taken in their resolution may exacerbate the problems of national integration. Elections do not only perform the function of elite recruitment into public office but are a mechanism for national integration. In a heterogeneous society like that in Nigeria if post-election conflict is not handled with the required neutrality the election suffers enormously from a credibility crisis. It is against this background that this article examines the role of the judiciary and its impartiality in resolving election-related conflicts arising out of Nigeria’s 2007 general elections. It infers that, in a number of cases, the public perceived judicial officers to have compromised themselves. No doubt this compounded the problem of integrating Nigeria’s disparate ethnic groups and, at the same time, whittled down the confidence of members of the public in the capacity of the judiciary to be an impartial arbiter. The article recommends training and retraining for judges in the interests of both national integration and democratic …

Emmanuel O OjoVolume 10 Number 1, Jun 2011, , , , , , , nigeria2011 2007vol-10-volumes
Political Corruption, Democratisation and the Squandering of Hope in Nigeria
Political Corruption, Democratisation and the Squandering of Hope in Nigeria

The hope of a new Nigeria characterised by good governance and rapid socioeconomic development, which accompanied Nigeria’s democratisation in 1999, seems to have largely been squandered 12 years into the process. In view of the effects of dashed hopes on the psyche of most ordinary Nigerians, as well as their impact on the overall development of the country – the pivot around which the African continent should revolve – this article attempts a critical examination of some probable causal factors. Among the various possible factors the paper identifies political corruption as the most prominent and debilitating. It discusses the effects of political corruption on the character of the state in Nigeria as well as the corruptive impact of the system of party funding in the country. Similarly, it analyses the effects of the country’s phenomenal earnings from the sale of crude oil, which are not properly accounted for, and the uncontrolled culture of impunity among many holders of sensitive public office. It concludes that there is a need to re-invent state functionality, particularly through purposely engaging professionals and civil society groups in governance and public affairs in …

Dhikru Adewale YagboyajuVolume 10 Number 1, Jun 2011, , , , , , nigeria2011vol-10-volumes
Mauritius: The Not So Perfect Democracy
Mauritius: The Not So Perfect Democracy

Mauritius has come a long way since independence in 1968, when observers predicted that the ‘overcrowded barracoon’, as V S Naipaul referred to the island, would fail to achieve peace and economic prosperity. As a result of its success in managing diversity and capitalising on protected markets and guaranteed export prices Mauritius has emerged in recent decades as a democratic and economic model for its peers on the African continent. However, with the onset of globalisation Mauritius is now entering a period of democratic stagnation as islanders confront the rise of ethnic and dynastic politics, the advent of political cronyism and patronage, the marginalisation of minorities, and growing disenchantment with and cynicism about the political class. This article highlights what can be considered the numerous deficiencies and flaws in the highly celebrated Mauritian ‘picture perfect model’. Due attention must be given to addressing these if a social, economic and political implosion is to be …

Roukaya KasenallyVolume 10 Number 1, Jun 2011, , , , , , , , mauritius2011vol-10-volumes
The Judiciary and the Survival of Democracy in Nigeria: Analysis of the 2003 and 2007 Elections
The Judiciary and the Survival of Democracy in Nigeria: Analysis of the 2003 and 2007 Elections

For many Nigerians, and indeed in the eyes of most foreign observers of Nigerian affairs, the restoration of democratic rule in Africa’s largest country in May 1999 has brought little or no change in the politics of this vast nation of 150-million people. Corruption, electoral malpractice and political violence, the usual causes of governmental instability, have remained intractable despite a deluge of reform initiatives. Yet, as this article will show, while the benefits of most institutional reforms have been difficult to measure, there has been significant progress in a few other key areas of national political life. One of them is the relatively successful reform of the judiciary, which has led to the institution’s gradual emergence as a courageous and impartial arbiter in intra-elite electoral disputes in this chronically unstable federation. The transformation of the judiciary is amply demonstrated by the large number of judicial pronouncements that have upturned the results of several flawed elections and restored to office elected officials, such as state governors, wrongfully removed from their positions. This article argues that these decisions and the new activist role of the judiciary which produced them have, in many ways, helped to reinforce the role of the judiciary as a vital instrument of political control and democratic stabilisation and by so doing have helped to prolong the life of Nigeria’s Fourth …

David U EnweremaduVolume 10 Number 1, Jun 2011, , , , , , , nigeria2011 2007 2003vol-10-volumes
Electoral Reform and the Prospects of Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria
Electoral Reform and the Prospects of Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria

The article analyses the ongoing electoral reform process in Nigeria and the prospects for the consolidation of democracy. Specifically, it explores the justifications for reform, evaluates the mechanisms adopted to promote electoral reform, notably the inauguration of the Electoral Reform Committee, its report, government’s white paper on the report and the implementation of approved reform measures. Generally, the reforms have been targeted at instituting a strong election management body with substantial administrative and financial autonomy and at promoting a democratic political culture within parties and the populace. Drawing concrete insights from the 2011 Nigerian elections, which provided the first litmus test of the possible impact of the reform on the democratisation process, the article argues that while the reform process holds some promise of consolidation, it does not go far enough. Though institutional designs matter for effective electoral governance institutional reengineering without corresponding attitudinal and behavioural reform is not sufficient. The strategic decisions of the political actors, both senior and junior, to take advantage of the institutional reform process within legally permissible limits hold an important key to the restoration of credibility and public trust in the electoral process and its …

J Shola OmotolaVolume 10 Number 1, Jun 2011, , , , nigeria2011vol-10-volumes
Les Elections de 2010 au Burundi: Quel Avenir Pour la Democratie et la Paix?
Les Elections de 2010 au Burundi: Quel Avenir Pour la Democratie et la Paix?

Political pluralism and well-functioning political parties are crucial to sustaining democracy. In a democracy elections allow for open political competition in order to win votes. Thus elections are a necessary but not sufficient condition to consolidate democracy. The 2010 elections in Burundi showed that elections, although crucial to the estbalishment of democracy and peace, are not a guarantee in themselves that this goal will be attained. Rather than being a step towards more democracy and peace Burundi’s last elections gave an overwhelming majority to one party, the CNDD-FDD, and marginalised the opposition because of its decision to boycott the process as a way of protesting against the results. With one party dominating all institutions and with an authoritarian response to opposition parties who, in the absence of dialogue, are increasingly considering the option of using guns to voice their concerns, democracy and peace are at risk. This article analyses the causes and consequences of Burundi’s 2010 elections in terms of political environment and behaviour and against the background of the country’s recent electoral …

Eva PalmansVolume 10 Number 1, Jun 2011burundi2011 2010vol-10-volumes
Journal of African Elections Volume 10 Number 1 [Entire Journal]
Journal of African Elections Volume 10 Number 1 [Entire Journal]

Volume 10 Number 1, Jun 20112011
Surveys: Scientific predictions or navel gazing?
Surveys: Scientific predictions or navel gazing?

Pre-election surveys to predict election outcomes have produced inconsistent results because different researchers or research organisations apply different methodologies and research designs even when dealing with the same subject. The object of this article is to interrogate the nature of survey research as a scientific tool in general and to trace the development of its use in political and government settings, especially in South Africa, to predict election results. The study strives to establish whether or not some pre-election surveys in South Africa rely on inadequate methodology, or else succumb to political pressure to produce predictions that favour a certain party? Attention is directed to issues of reliability and the validity of survey results that can predict the outcomes of elections with a high degree of accuracy. We examine the extent to which different survey organisations and researchers heed the prerequisites and demands of scientific methods in research and, more especially, the methodologies used in surveys. Examining results produced by various research organisations we explore whether political surveys today are adequate tools to predict scientifically outcomes in an election or whether they are simply mechanisms used to arrive at desired goals at the expense of scientific methods. Common flaws in methodologies used to make predictions are identified and …

Joseph Kivilu and Ronnie MmotlaneVolume 9 Number 2, Oct 2010, , , , south-africa2010vol-9
Introduction: The Significance of the 2009 elections
Introduction: The Significance of the 2009 elections

Mcebisi NdletyanaVolume 9 Number 2, Oct 20102010 2009
Party support and Voter Behaviour in the Western Cape: Trends and Patterns Since 1994
Party support and Voter Behaviour in the Western Cape: Trends and Patterns Since 1994

Since 1994 election outcomes in the Western Cape have been examined through analyses of the ‘coloured vote’. These explanations, which are premised on the racially based motivations of voters, feed into the choices, rhetoric and behaviour of political parties. Besides inadvertently providing justification for racially inflammatory campaign strategies they allow parties to neglect their duty to give voters adequate information. In this article I provide an overview of voting trends and the political developments which have underpinned these patterns. I argue that it is not the nature of the electorate but national political developments and political parties, through their behaviour and campaigns, that are responsible for gains and losses and for the dramatic political changes in the province. I further argue that it is precisely because racial identity is so salient in the Western Cape that parties need to move towards more inclusive campaign …

Cherrel AfricaVolume 9 Number 2, Oct 2010, , , south-africa2010vol-9
Future Imperfect: The Youth and Participation in the 2009 South African Elections
Future Imperfect: The Youth and Participation in the 2009 South African Elections

It was widely believed that more young people would participate in the 2009 general elections than had participated in elections in the past. This conjecture was based on increased youth registration figures at certain points in the registration process. Since 2007/2008 there had been an intense focus globally on the historic election of Barack Obama as the first African American president of the United States and it was surmised that his victory would invigorate an interest in politics around the world. The Obama election campaign’s extensive use of new media technologies, as well as the crafting of his central campaign message to appeal to the twin ideas of hope and change were thought to have had an invigorating impact on political idealism, political activism and political participation. This, along with other factors, it is widely claimed, had an effect on political and electoral participation in South Africa, especially among the youth. This article investigates these claims and examines trends in the participation of the youth in the four general elections held in South Africa since 1994, with a specific focus on the 2009 …

Ebrahim Fakir, Zandile Bhengu and Josefine K LarsenVolume 9 Number 2, Oct 2010, , , , , south-africa2010 2009vol-9
Evaluating Election Management in South Africa's 2009 Elections
Evaluating Election Management in South Africa’s 2009 Elections

This article examines election management and the role of South Africa’s election management body (EMB) in the context of the country’s 2009 elections. It outlines and analyses the dynamics and challenges faced by South Africa’s Electoral Commission in managing the country’s fourth democratic election, argues the case for election management and emphasises that election management can help in the promotion of electoral democracy. Specifically, the paper analyses the financial costs and other challenges experienced by the Electoral Commission during the 2009 elections, including those related to overseas voters, the use of technology to enhance election management, and the importance of Election Management Bodies in the planning and management of elections internationally. The paper concludes with an assessment of the relevance of election management in the promotion of electoral democracy and proposals on how effective election management may contribute to the success of meaningful and sustainable elections to enhance South Africa’s …

Kealeboga J MaphunyeVolume 9 Number 2, Oct 2010, , , , , , , south-africa2010 2009vol-9
Elections: Extinguishing antagonism in society?
Elections: Extinguishing antagonism in society?

In April 2009 South Africa held its fourth national democratic elections. With a large voter turnout and little violence, the elections were hailed as an indication of the ‘maturity’ of South Africa’s democracy. However, in the days following the elections, violent community protests swept across the country and have remained ongoing to date. How is it possible to make sense of this apparent paradox between the peacefulness of South Africa’s elections and the violence? In particular, why is so much of this violence apparently ‘irrational’? Why has the succession of ‘peaceful’ elections in South Africa not extinguished it? These disparities are difficult to interpret in a dominant discursive paradigm which assumes that elections constitute the triumphal moment of democratic politics, capable of steering the country ineluctably towards a state of permanent peace. It is argued that the apparent ‘paradox’ posed by ‘peaceful’ elections and violent community protests is not an empirical problematic but a conceptual one and is born out of a conception of the political domain and elections within this domain in purely legalistic and technocratic terms. In this conception, therefore, elections are merely a managerial exercise, divorced from wider relations of power and conflict. The fundamentally conflictual nature of democratic politics is ignored in favour of an emphasis on ‘consensus’ in the pursuit of ‘national unity’, obfuscating the underlying power inequalities on which such consensus is frequently based. This article explores how South Africa’s 2009 elections were interpreted in terms of this ‘managerial’ discourse in order to attempt to relocate elections within a more deeply rooted understanding of democracy, which does not assume a teleological progression towards an ultimate state of peace, but which engages with the material reality of contestation and blood in post-apartheid South …

Vanessa BarolskyVolume 9 Number 2, Oct 2010, , south-africa2010vol-9
JAE Volume 9 Number 2 Oct 2010 [Entire Journal, Special Issue: South Africa: Elections 2009]
JAE Volume 9 Number 2 Oct 2010 [Entire Journal, Special Issue: South Africa: Elections 2009]

2010
Durable or terminal?: Racial and Ethnic explanations of the 2009 Elections
Durable or terminal?: Racial and Ethnic explanations of the 2009 Elections

The perennial debate among academics, the media, analysts and the public in general, especially during election periods, is the level and extent to which racial and ethnic factors can be said to explain voters’ behaviour in making their choices. There are two competing viewpoints. The first asserts that these two variables are primary in explaining voting behaviour, the second that they are of limited value in understanding electoral outcomes. The debate is significant as it is linked to and has an impact on the country’s democratisation trajectory. The former viewpoint is generally negative, the latter relatively positive. The pessimistic view considers the voting patterns as necessarily imperilling democracy while the optimistic view posits that their existence in and of themselves does not threaten democracy as they have little agency in determining voters’ choices. This article argues that race and ethnicity have had only a superficial effect on electoral outcomes from 1994 to 2009 and hence should not be accorded primacy in explaining the outcomes. An analysis of the 2009 elections provides tangible and incremental empirical evidence that their import and value as explanatory variables is …

Thabisi HoeaneVolume 9 Number 2, Oct 2010, , , , , , , south-africa2010 2009vol-9
Congress of the People: A promise betrayed
Congress of the People: A promise betrayed

This article examines the performance of the recently formed Congress of the People (Cope) in the 2009 elections. It traces the origins of the organisation, probes its electoral strategies and provides insight into the internal challenges Cope encountered. The paper contends that Cope sought not only to envelop itself with the symbolism of liberation politics but also to transcend that by appealing to other constituencies that had not historically supported the liberation movement. This meant adopting policies that were not only targeted at the middle class but were also trans-racial. Ultimately, though, Cope’s appeal was undercut by, among other factors, the persistent salience of racial inequality and excessive reliance on political activity as a source of income rather than a pursuit of principles. The article further argues that incidents related to the party also shone a light on the indifference of the business sector to competitive electoral politics and on the way the ruling party has blurred the distinction between itself and public …

Mcebisi NdletyanaVolume 9 Number 2, Oct 2010, , , , , , south-africa2010vol-9
The African National Congress’s unprecedented victory in KwaZulu-Natal: Spoils of a resurgent Zulu ethno-nationalism

This paper probes the ANC’s phenomenal performance in KwaZulu-Natal (KZN), where the party not only registered a rare outright majority but also experienced a stunning rise in support, while dropping support in the other provinces. Yet the ANC-dominated provincial government in KZN did not perform dramatically differently from other ANC provincial governments. The ANC’s rise in KZN can be put down to a resurgent Zulu ethno-nationalism that swelled around the party’s presidential candidate, Jacob Zuma. Zuma projected himself as a victim of ethnic persecution, a view assisted by the reputation of his rival in the ANC, former president Thabo Mbeki, as a scheming and cunning politician who dealt harshly with his rivals. Zuma’s candidature essentially renewed the saliency of Zulu ethnonationalism in South African politics just as it was …

Mcebisi Ndletyana and Bavusile B MaabaVolume 9 Number 2, Oct 2010, , , , , , south-africa2010vol-9
The State, Elections and Hidden Protest: Swaziland's 2008 Elections
The State, Elections and Hidden Protest: Swaziland’s 2008 Elections

In many African countries elections are accompanied by conflict emanating from the concerns of different sections of the population. The continent has experienced numerous protests over election results or the manner in which electoral processes have been conducted. Yet while protest by organised groups has been admirably analysed by some scholars, their analysis falls short of providing a comprehensive picture of some of the more obscure reasons for the discontent. For a comprehensive understanding of sources of conflict around elections there is a need to look beyond the actions of organised groups into the realm of the not-so-spectacular hidden forms of protest by rural communities. Such research reveals not only the extent of unhappiness with existing electoral processes but also the extent to which voices of dissent are suppressed under pseudo-democratic dispensations. This article focuses on protests in Swaziland against the electoral process, adding the dimension of hidden forms of protest as they unfold in some rural …

Hamilton S SimelaneVolume 9 Number 1, Jun 2010, , , , , , , swaziland2010 2008vol-9
The Role of Civil Society in Elections: The KwaZulu-Natal Democracy and Elections Forum - Reducing Conflict Dynamics and Promoting Peace
The Role of Civil Society in Elections: The KwaZulu-Natal Democracy and Elections Forum – Reducing Conflict Dynamics and Promoting Peace

The role of civil society in elections often takes the form of support for the institutional processes of a democratic election as well as the more substantive development of a democratic electorate. Civil society does, however, have a role to play in reducing election-related conflict dynamics and promoting a peaceful electoral environment. This paper examines the role of the KwaZulu-Natal Democracy and Elections Forum (KZNDEF) in elections in KwaZulu-Natal. The paper examines the role played by the KZNDEF’s five subcommittees in and their impact on the deepening of democracy, the reduction of conflict dynamics and the promotion of peace in KwaZulu-Natal, a province plagued with election-related …

Shauna MottiarVolume 9 Number 1, Jun 2010, , , south-africa2010vol-9
Public Participation: The Political Challenge in Southern Africa
Public Participation: The Political Challenge in Southern Africa

Placing ‘liberal democracy’ as a polar opposite to ‘participatory democracy’ is less than helpful, particularly in the African situation. In this article I suggest an alternative approach to democracy which I think is more constructive, and which, equally, I think, will prove useful in guiding our thinking about political …

Roger SouthallVolume 9 Number 1, Jun 2010, , , , , , kenya south-africa zambia zimbabwe2010vol-9
Prelude to Tanzania's 2010 General Elections: Reflections and Inflections
Prelude to Tanzania’s 2010 General Elections: Reflections and Inflections

This paper argues that the general elections of 2009 managed to consolidate the hold of the South West Africa People’s Organisation (Swapo) on the body politic in Namibia. The expectation and perception that the formation of a new opposition party, by former members of the ruling party, would challenge the dominance of the ruling party has not materialised. What has transpired is that the Rally for Democracy and Progress has eroded the support of the Congress of Democrats (CoD) and has replaced it as the official opposition. This situation is a repetition of that in 2004, when the CoD, as a newly formed opposition party, displaced the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA) as the major opposition party. The pattern of electoral politics reveals that the formation of opposition parties does not necessarily translate into a loss for the ruling party. The incumbency advantage enjoyed by Swapo seems to explain this. Furthermore, this paper posits the theory that the institutional mechanisms put in place to ensure free and fair elections require fundamental changes. What is also critical for electoral politics to succeed and for democracy to be consolidated in Namibia is that the political playing field needs to be extended in terms of media coverage for opposition parties and the provision of adequate funding, without which these parties will be unable to function …

Benson A BanaVolume 9 Number 1, Jun 2010, , , , , , namibia2010vol-9
Party Opposition Perpetually on the Verge of Promise: South Africa's Election 2009
Party Opposition Perpetually on the Verge of Promise: South Africa’s Election 2009

National and provincial elections in South Africa, 1994 to 2009, became characterised by elusive opposition party quests to dent the electoral dominance of the African National Congress (ANC). There was ebb and flow in the fortunes of both continuous and new opposition parties as they rallied to capture significant electoral ground from the ANC. In this setting, the article poses the question whether Election 2009 delivered evidence of ‘game-breaking’ performances by opposition parties – feats that dented or showed the potential to harm the ANC’s commanding electoral majorities. The answer, explored in detail in the analysis, is ambiguous. On the one hand, the 2009 election trends show hitherto unimagined lapses in ANC performance. On the other, the opposition parties were continuously unable to make profound electoral imprints. The ANC suffered certain setbacks, but retained commanding majorities. Explanatory factors include the serial organisational lapses of old and new opposition initiatives, along with the existence of a powerful parallel non-electoral world of democracy and opposition in South Africa – a world in which opposition politics is enacted within the ANC Tripartite Alliance, and between the ANC and citizens in the between-election periods. The ANC’s ability to conduct redeeming election campaigns also helps it to retain its status as ‘chosen’ governing party, while further sealing the fate of opposition parties, from one election to the next. Hence, election 2009 delivered changes in the ANC-opposition party power ratio – symbolising a turning point, with the ANC having moved beyond its electoral peak yet falling short of assuming a watershedchange …

Susan BooysenVolume 9 Number 1, Jun 2010, , , , , , , , , south-africa2010 2009vol-9
A Note on the Namibian National Assembly Elections of 2009
A Note on the Namibian National Assembly Elections of 2009

This paper argues that the general elections of 2009 managed to consolidate the hold of the South West Africa People’s Organisation (Swapo) on the body politic in Namibia. The expectation and perception that the formation of a new opposition party, by former members of the ruling party, would challenge the dominance of the ruling party has not materialised. What has transpired is that the Rally for Democracy and Progress has eroded the support of the Congress of Democrats (CoD) and has replaced it as the official opposition. This situation is a repetition of that in 2004, when the CoD, as a newly formed opposition party, displaced the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA) as the major opposition party. The pattern of electoral politics reveals that the formation of opposition parties does not necessarily translate into a loss for the ruling party. The incumbency advantage enjoyed by Swapo seems to explain this. Furthermore, this paper posits the theory that the institutional mechanisms put in place to ensure free and fair elections require fundamental changes. What is also critical for electoral politics to succeed and for democracy to be consolidated in Namibia is that the political playing field needs to be extended in terms of media coverage for opposition parties and the provision of adequate funding, without which these parties will be unable to function …

Lesley BlaauwVolume 9 Number 1, Jun 2010, , , , , namibia2010 2009vol-9
Mozambique's 2009 Elections: Framing Democratic Consolidation in Context
Mozambique’s 2009 Elections: Framing Democratic Consolidation in Context

Mozambique’s fourth post-conflict elections, held in October 2009, accorded citizens and the political elite an opportunity to assess their democratic experiences over two decades of transition from one-party to multiparty democracy. Dominated by the two oldest political parties, the incumbent Frelimo and the opposition Renamo, the election tested the degree to which Mozambicans were able to consolidate their democratic gains and exposed the extent of the political elite’s capacity to play by the rules of the democratic game. Despite robust electioneering, heated debate and the exclusion of some presidential and party candidates from standing, the election was conducted in relative peace, attesting, by and large, to the elite’s ability to combine political competition, cooperation and a few selfless compromises in pursuit of safeguarding hard-won democratic gains, peaceful co-existence, political stability and a modicum of economic growth. This article analyses Mozambique’s 2009 elections with specific reference to: the major issues which dominated the elections; the framing and salient features of postconflict democratic consolidation or the lack of it; and the role of the new political parties in the party alignment. By addressing these issues, we hope to shed light on the implications of the elections for post-liberation politics and democratic consolidation.

Adriano Nuvunga and M A Mohamed SalihVolume 9 Number 1, Jun 2010, , , , , , mozambique2010 2009vol-9
JAE Volume 9 Number 1 Jun 2010 [Entire Journal]
JAE Volume 9 Number 1 Jun 2010 [Entire Journal]

2010
A Critical Stock Take of Malawi's 19 May 2009 Elections: Processes, Outcomes and Challenges
A Critical Stock Take of Malawi’s 19 May 2009 Elections: Processes, Outcomes and Challenges

This article reviews critically Malawi’s fourth consecutive general elections since the country’s momentous return to multiparty democracy in May 1994. The results of the May 2009 elections marked a complete departure from the familiar patterns of voting along tribal, ethnic or regional lines. The main argument of this article is that the historical uniqueness of the 2009 elections has failed to act as a catalyst for the fundamental and sustainable democratic transformation that was widely prophesied by observers and commentators in the immediate aftermath of the polls. This illustrates, inter alia, that Malawi is still a defective democracy, whose politics are neither democratic nor undemocratic. The major lesson is that democracy cannot flourish if a society does not have any consciousness of its own contradictions and does not set out social practices to provide rules for society to manage its interests and objectives with equity, justice and …

Blessings ChinsingaVolume 9 Number 1, Jun 2010, , , , , malawi2010 2009vol-9
Review: Compendium of Elections in Southern Africa, 1989-2009
Review: Compendium of Elections in Southern Africa, 1989-2009

Dr Heather DeeganVolume 9 Number 1, Jun 2010, , , , , , , 2010 2009
The Role of the Southern African Development community in the Management of Zimbabwe?s Post-election Crisis

The political crisis that beset Zimbabwe following its harmonised elections in March 2008 and the controversial presidential run-off poll in June of the same year has triggered heated debate among academics and policy-makers alike. This paper joins this debate. It proposes an analytical framework for our understanding of the crisis and its political ramifications for democratisation in Zimbabwe. In this regard, it problematises the key question, whether or not elections are meaningful to those who have voted if political elites are able to form a government by other means. It unravels the underlying factors behind the post-election crisis, one of these being Zimbabwe’s long trajectory of ZANU-PF’s political hegemony to the detriment of a viable multipartyism. It investigates SADC’s intervention through mediation and how far this has taken the country on its democratisation path. While a political settlement has been achieved with the signing of the Global Political Agreement (GPA), the extent to which the key political players adhere to and observe the letter and spirit of the agreement remains …

Khabele MatlosaVolume 8 Number 2, Oct 2009, , , , , , zimbabwe2009vol-8
The Key to One-Party Dominance: A Comparative Analysis of Selected States: Some Lessons for South Africa

Since the ascent to power of the African National Congress (ANC) in 1994 the concept of one-party dominance has dominated the South African political landscape. It is argued that the magnitude of the ANC’s victories in four consecutive elections raises questions about whether South Africa is headed for a one-party dominant political system achieved through democratic rather than authoritarian means – a feat achieved by only a few political parties in the past century. The argument in this article is that the ascension to power of parties which have attained dominance has been preceded by extraordinary circumstances prevailing within their states and that it was the successful involvement of these parties in resolving these circumstances that was responsible for their victory in subsequent elections. However, other factors also contributed to the continued electoral success of the parties. The ANC also traces its ascension to power back to the extraordinary circumstances that prevailed in South Africa and which the party assisted in resolving. This article assesses the possibility that the ANC will attain dominance in the South African body politic as parties in other countries have done. This necessitates a study of the factors the parties exploited in order to be continuously voted into power. The ANC emerged victorious from South Africa’s fourth non-racial democratic election in 2009, a victory that moved the party closer to fulfilling the criteria of a dominant party – winning four consecutive elections and holding power for 20 years or …

Phillip MtimkuluVolume 8 Number 2, Oct 2009, , , , , , south-africa2009vol-8
JAE Volume 8 Number 2 Oct 2009 [Entire Journal]

Volume 8 Number 2, October 20092009
Do Elections Matter in Zanzibar?

Do multiparty elections facilitate or hinder the process of democratic consolidation in Zanzibar? Since Tanzania’s return to a multiparty system in 1992 three rounds of general elections have been held in Zanzibar, all of them marred by gross irregularities, fraud, violence, and insecurity. All three elections were also followed by a political stalemate, with a major opposition party rejecting defeat, refusing to recognise the elected government, and challenging the results. Consequently, the legitimacy of the elected government has remained questionable for more than a decade. This puts in question the reliance on the ‘election-centric concept’ of the ‘consolidation’ phase, which tends to place a great deal of hope in the holding of periodic elections. This by no means suggests that elections do not matter in Zanzibar. They matter in terms of keeping the flame of democratic struggle alive. Also, as the findings in this article indicate, there is a need to pay attention not only to elections but, equally importantly, to other processes and institutions of governance that enhance the rule of law and individual …

Bernadeta KillianVolume 8 Number 2, Oct 2009, , , tanzania zanzibar2009vol-8
Direct Democracy in Southern and East Africa: Referendums and Initiatives

There seems to be a worldwide trend towards direct democracy instruments such as referendums and initiatives. The African Union Charter (2007) and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad) strategy papers (2003) recommend these instruments. Is direct democracy the panacea for the problem of strong personalisation of African party politics? If electoral democracy is the problem, is direct democracy the solution? The article describes the legal framework and the implementation in countries in Southern and East Africa. Referendums, which are solely implemented at the national level, were often used to support regime change in the 1960s (independence) and in the 1990s (multiparty systems) and to strengthen and finalise conflict resolution. Plebiscites, characterised by strong executive governmental campaigning and party dominance predominate and citizen initiatives are not common. The implementation of citizen initiatives at both national and local level could be an additional way of strengthening …

Norbert KerstingVolume 8 Number 2, Oct 2009, , , botswana burundi congo drc madagascar mozambique seychelles south-africa uganda2009vol-8
Civil Society Organisations, Incompetent Citizens, the State and Popular Participation in Tanzania

Civil society organisations have played a vital role in the relationship between the state and society. In Africa they have come into existence for different purposes, ranging from ‘self-help’, where the state has failed to help its citizens, to human rights, as the wave of democratisation has peaked, and economic rights, when a country’s economy has crashed and governmental capacity declined to the extent that the population has had to take care of itself without help from the government. In Tanzania CSOs have had to play a more extensive role because many citizens are not politically competent and CSOs have had to take the lead in strengthening the demand side of the political equation. But this role is questionable in cases where CSOs have taken to speaking for and representing people in many forums without the consent of those they claim to represent. In the process CSOs, like NGOs, have compromised their autonomy, becoming close allies and partners of the state. The dilemma is that if they do not do this they cannot help the people they purport to help and if they do they are seen to be usurping the power of the people. The way forward is to empower citizens to assume their role as citizens and to ensure that the relationship between CSOs and the state remains beneficial to …

Ernest T MallyaVolume 8 Number 2, Oct 2009, , , , , , tanzania2009vol-8
Review: The African Peer Review Mechanism: Lessons from the Pioneers

Grant Masterson

Volume 8 Number 2, Oct 20092009
Africa’s Disappearing Election Results: Why Announcing the Winner is Simply Not Enough

In many African countries releasing election results means simply revealing the winners and losers and publicising their percentage of the national vote. This norm makes it very difficult for researchers interested in studying African elections to collect detailed election data and for citizens to evaluate the validity of the results. This article describes the difficulties associated with collecting sub-national election results in a select set of West African countries, explores some of the potential reasons for these difficulties, argues for an alteration in the status quo and pushes election observers and scholars to demand more of African electoral …

Kevin S FridyVolume 8 Number 2, Oct 2009, , , , , ghana2009vol-8
The Political and Institutional Context of the 2007 Kenyan Elections and Reforms Needed for the Future

For many Kenyans the outcome of the 2007 presidential election represented a continuation of the betrayal of the promise made by Mwai Kibaki’s government, elected in 2002, that a new Constitution would be drafted which would help to deal with Kenya’s governance problems. The consequence was a closely contested election, ethnic division, a flawed election process, and serious post-election violence, which lasted well into 2008. This article analyses the underlying political features of Kenya that led to the election failure itself and the fundamental changes to the Kenyan system, including its Constitution, that are necessary to avert a recurrence of the 2007 election violence in the …

David K Leonard and Felix Odhiambo Owuor with contributions from Katherine GeorgeVolume 8 Number 1, Jun 2009, , , , kenya2009 2007vol-8
The Political Economy of Democratisation in Sierra Leone: Reflections on the Elections of 2007 and 2008

This study evaluates Sierra Leone’s 2007 and 2008 elections, the role of the international community in supporting them, and their implications for the country’s democracy. The 2007 presidential and parliamentary elections in Sierra Leone, the third generation of elections since the end of the civil war, were deemed substantially fair and resulted in a change of governing party, with Ernest Bai Koroma as president and the African Peoples Congress (APC) in the majority in Parliament. The 2008 local government elections were less successful, but gave the APC an even more decisive win. The restoration of peace in Sierra Leone, the succession of reasonable elections since 2000, and the change of regime via the ballot box in 2007 are all rightly seen as major accomplishments. This article examines the institutions of Sierra Leone’s society and government that combined with international assistance to produce these positive results. Nonetheless, the structural conditions that gave rise to the civil war in the country – under-development, resource flows (diamonds and now, increasingly, drugs) that are difficult to control, a corrupt and remote political elite, marginalised youth, and strong regional divides in politics – all continue to …

David K Leonard and Titi Pitso with contributions from Anna SchmidtVolume 8 Number 1, Jun 2009, , , , , sierra-leone2009 2008 2007vol-8
Nigerian Elections Since 1999: What Does Democracy Mean?

The Nigerian elections of April 2007 were neither credible nor well managed. The prospects of ‘free and fair’ elections determining the leaders of Nigeria in the future are also poor. Nonetheless, elections are a secure and consequential feature of the country’s governance structure. This article analyses the institutionalised aspects of Nigeria’s government, economy and society which produced this result and considers the prospects for positive reform in the near …

Sam Egwu, David K Leonard and Khabele MatlosaVolume 8 Number 1, Jun 2009, , , , , , , nigeria2009vol-8
Elections and Democratisation in the Democratic Republic of Congo

In 2006 the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) held its first multiparty legislative and presidential elections in more than 40 years. Although not without flaws these elections were seen by international observers as acceptably fair. They were also designed as a major milestone on the road to peace in a country that has been torn apart by civil war. The United Nations peacekeeping mission in the Congo and the multi-donor election support that brought about these elections were both the largest and most expensive ever undertaken by the UN. The article poses two questions. One is, is democracy at hand in the DRC? The other is, have elections helped to bring peace? The answer to the first is ‘Yes’, but only if the term is defined narrowly to mean that multiple parties compete for power and that there is some marginal chance that the prime ministership might move to the opposition in 2011. If the question is rooted in a deeper understanding of democracy as based on the rule of law, protection for the political rights of minorities, a vigorous press, and, above all else, responsiveness of political leadership to the wishes of the citizenry, much is still lacking in the Congo. In most respects Congolese political life seems to be remarkably lacking in accountability. The answer to the second is cautiously positive. The number of warring groups in the DRC has been reduced and the elections gave President Kabila and his international interlocutors the legitimacy they needed to negotiate with Rwanda for the removal of the threat posed to the eastern DRC by General …

Denis Kadima, David K Leonard and Anna SchmidtVolume 8 Number 1, Jun 2009, , , , , democratic-republic-of-congo drc2009vol-8
Elections and Conflict in Africa: An Introduction

David K LeonardVolume 8 Number 1, Jun 2009, , , , 2009
JAE Volume 8 Number 1 Jun 2009 [Entire Journal, Special Issue: Elections and Conflict in Africa]

Volume 8 Number 1, Jun 20092009
We’ve been to hell and back… : Can a Botched Land Reform Programme Explain Kenya’s Political Crisis? (1963-2008)

A central argument pursued in this paper seeks to accord primacy to the unresolved land reform programme in Kenya in debunking the genesis of the country’s intermittent political crises since independence. It is argued that one cannot come to terms with Kenya’s failed democratic process without acknowledging the extent to which patrimonial politics were systematically developed and sustained, and the key to this was land. Land as a resource of political patronage, to reward, and punish, those who were part of, or were perceived as outsiders in an evolving political system that personified the ideals of its leaders gained a particular premium, easily manipulated across the three presidential epochs: Kenyatta (1963-1978), Moi (1978-2002) and Kibaki (2002-2007). The failure of land reform contributed immeasurably to the conflict that followed the December 2007 elections. The spatial character of the electoral violence (eg, Rift Valley and Coastal Province) suggests systemic faults that have marked decades of historic injustices brought about by a land reform policy largely informed not by a constitutional pronouncement but by the interests of the incumbent president. The paper concludes that an end to Kenya’s political crises is not fully contingent on resolving the land issue, but rather on transcending the quest for land reform as a contributor to economic growth and political stability. This outcome is achievable through more creative means of economic diversification. The reality of Kenya’s demographic and environmental pressures attests to the urgency of a shift in the meaning and symbolism attributed to land within the country’s polity and its economic …

Samuel KariukiVolume 7 Number 2, Oct 2008, , , kenya2008vol-7
The Role of the Kenyan Media in the 2007 Elections

This paper argues that the media occupy a central role in the advancement of democracy and should be upheld as an institution that protect democracy. The paper cites the role the Kenyan media played in the election crisis, acknowledging its success but at the same time questioning its failure to protect various aspects of democracy such as the election process. This it does by mentioning the work of various Kenyan journalists who criticised the election process through the media. The paper uses the ideal concept of democratic thought as conceptualised by the German philosopher Jürgen Habermas to examine clinically democracy in Africa and propose an alternative system of human relations as presented by the Ghanaian thinker Stephen Appiah to indicate a move to a more egalitarian society that still recognises liberal …

Fredrick OgengaVolume 7 Number 2, Oct 2008, , , , , , , , kenya2008 2007vol-7
The Legal Framework of the GNU and the Doctrine of the Separation of Powers: Implications for Kenya’s National Legislative Assembly

The central theme of this study is that the formation of the coalition government has undermined the sanctity of the doctrine of separation of powers, is inconsistent with democratic principles, and, more particularly, undermines the right of popular sovereignty exercised by the electorate on 27 December 2007 in conformity with the Constitution and constitutionally established electoral laws. The National Accord and Reconciliation Act which established the government of national unity (GNU) has put in place a unique legal regime in Kenya’s post-independence history. In many respects, while Kenya has a multiparty state system it currently operates like a de facto one-party state. The dominant political parties, namely, the Party of National Unity (PNU) and the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) and their party affiliates are the contracting parties to the agreement, leavingthe legislative assembly without an effective official opposition party to check the potential excesses of the executive branch of government. This anomaly is further aggravated by the fact that the third-largest political party, the ODM-Kenya, is an affiliate of the …

Korwa G AdarVolume 7 Number 2, Oct 2008, , , , , kenya2008vol-7
Kenya’s 2007 Elections: Derailing Democracy Through Ethno-Regional Violence

The outcome of Kenya’s 2007 general elections exposed the soft underbelly of the Kenyan political economy. A country that, until 28 December 2007, seemed built on a solid foundation suddenly collapsed into warring ethnic constituencies, and revealed the fragile foundations upon which the post-colonial Kenyan state was built. Kibaki’s decision to steal the 2007 presidential election resulted in a spiral of violence unlike any in Kenya in 44 years of political independence. In less than one month more than 1 000 people died in gruesome ethnic clashes and another 300 000 were displaced. Since then, commentators, scholars and analysts have sought to understand why such gruesome acts of violence could actually take place in what has traditionally been considered an oasis of peace in an otherwise conflict prone region. What went wrong? Why did Mwai Kibaki refuse to concede defeat, and instead opt for a semi-secret swearing in at a private ceremony at State House, disregarding the public ceremony for which the armed forces had been preparing? Why did the electoral commission, supposedly an independent body, fail to follow its own due processes? And how do we explain the violent reaction to Kibaki’s illegitimate extension of his …

Rok AjuluVolume 7 Number 2, Oct 2008, , , , , , , , kenya2008 2007vol-7
Forty Days and Nights of Peacemaking in Kenya

Recent studies on resolving civil conflicts have focused on the role of external actors in husbanding durable agreements. The contribution of authoritative parties is vital to the mediation of conflicts where parties are frequently too divided and where the stakes are too high to allow bilateral solutions. In the wide-ranging conflicts that convulsed Africa throughout the 1990s mediators helped the combatants to reach ceasefires and find constitutional structures that restored a modicum of stability and civility to tattered polities. More recently, electoral conflicts in Africa have emerged as new sites of external intervention, attracting multilateral and regional actors. The much-publicised cases of Kenya and Zimbabwe are instructive in this regard and constitute interesting areas of research into how external parties have tried to influence the trajectories of coalition governments. This paper reviews the peacemaking process in Kenya after the contested and violent outcome of the December 2007 elections. After a series of false starts in early January the mediation process stabilised around an African Union (AU) Panel of Eminent African Personalities, comprising former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan, former Tanzanian President Benjamin Mkapa, and Mozambican luminary Graça Machel. In about 40 days the panel steered the parties toward a power-sharing agreement that was signed on 28 February 2008. In tracing this process I am interested in the issues, the personalities who animated the negotiations, and how the mediators (alongside other external actors) produced the power-sharing outcome. The analysis begins with a background to the conflict, furnishing brief insights into the questions that sparked the violence. This is followed by discussion of the various people who attempted to mediate the conflicts before the emergence of the panel. Subsequent sections address how the mediators engaged the parties and the process of reaching the agreement. The paper concludes with a brief discussion of the role of mediators and lessons for other …

Gilbert M KhadiagalaVolume 7 Number 2, Oct 2008, , , kenya2008vol-7
Ethnicity and Political Pluralism in Kenya

This paper focuses on the salience of ethnicity in Kenya since the return to political pluralism in 1991. It argues that ethnicity as a variable in Kenya’s political processes dates back to the colonial period. Successive governments in that country, beginning with the Jomo Kenyatta state in 1963, perfected the aspect of ethnicity that dovetailed with patronage, rent-seeking and prebendalism to the detriment of the nation state. The paper engages with the theoretical underpinnings of ethnicity in an attempt to understand its overwhelming influence on Kenya’s politics, especially in the multiparty era. The thrust of the argument is that unless there is the political will to re-engineer Kenya’s polity both politically and constitutionally the nationbuilding project will remain convoluted, frustrating and …

Shilaho Westen KwatembaVolume 7 Number 2, Oct 2008, , , , , , , , kenya2008vol-7
JAE Volume 7 Number 2 Oct 2008 [Entire Journal, Special Issue: Kenya]

Volume 7 Number 2, Oct 20082008
Book Review: Kenya’s Quest for Democracy: Taming the Leviathan

Shilaho Westen KwatembaVolume 7 Number 2, Oct 20082008
The 2007 General Elections in Kenya: Electoral Laws and Process

The violence that followed the 2007 elections in Kenya sent shock waves through the country and around the world and raised questions about the Kenyan democratic landscape and the perception of stability in a region which is prone to violent conflict. Having come to power on the platform of comprehensive constitutional, legal and administrative reforms the National Rainbow Coalition government, headed by Kibaki, repeatedly reneged on promises to institute the reforms necessary to secure a new democratic dispensation and redress past imbalances. The consequence was a closely contested election, ethnic division, a flawed electoral process, a weak institutional framework and post-election violence that resulted in death, displacement and the destruction of million of dollars worth of property. This paper analyses the political and electoral environment in which the elections were held and attempts to explore the legal and constitutional framework governing elections in Kenya as well as to make recommendations for the democratisation of the electoral …

Felix Odhiambo OwuorVolume 7 Number 2, October 2008, , , , , , , , , , kenya2008 2007vol-7
The Socio-Economic Cost of the Post-Election Conflict

Both theory and empirical evidence suggest that political instability hinders domestic investment and foreign direct investment, therefore retarding economic growth. Moreover, political instability generates inefficiently high inflation, which hinders investment, reduces welfare and retards economic growth. In Lesotho periods of political instability are associated with very low levels of investment and economic growth. However, there is no evidence to suggest that political instability has led to high levels of inflation in those troubled …

Masilo Philemon MakhethaVolume 7 Number 1, Jun 2008, , lesotho2008vol-7
The Role and Position of Civil Society Organisations in Lesotho’s Democratisation Process

This paper assesses the role and position of civil society in Lesotho’s democratisation process by interrogating the mandate and functions of civil society organisations from immediately before the transitional elections of 1993 to the recent 2007 polls. While acknowledging the pro-democracy activities of civil society we argue that because of its failure to observe the theoretical civil-political divide its role in democratisation has been ambivalent. While in some cases it has been propitious for democratisation, in others it has tended to undermine the process. We conclude that not only should civil society position itself outside the political realm, although we admit this is not easy to do, but that political society should accept and tolerate civil society as an indispensable partner in the democratisation …

Motlamelle Anthony Kapa and Lira ThekoVolume 7 Number 1, Jun 2008, , , , , , , , , lesotho2008vol-7
Prospects for the Promotion of a Culture of Political Tolerance in Lesotho

The main aim of this paper is to examine the problems and opportunities facing Lesotho in institutionalising a culture of political tolerance – an indispensable requirement in an emerging democracy. These problems and opportunities are discussed in the context of an assessment of the challenges of consolidating democratic governance in the country. Sustainable democratic governance must be based on a strong foundation of tolerance of the diverse views and perspectives of all major stakeholders, particularly political parties. This is even more relevant in the current context, where the country must manage the challenges of the post-2007 election …

Fako Johnson LikotiVolume 7 Number 1, Jun 2008, , , , , , lesotho2008vol-7
Party Alliances and Political Coalitions During the 2007 General Election in Lesotho

In 2007, for the first time in Lesotho’s political history, some political parties formed formal electoral pacts, variously dubbed alliances or coalitions, to fight the general election of 17 February. The ruling Lesotho Congress for Democracy and the newly formed All Basotho Convention entered into alliances with their smaller counterparts, the National Independent Party and the Lesotho Workers’ Party respectively, as polling day neared. While the benefits of these alliances for the partners may not be in doubt, what is doubtful is the ability of the arrangement to expand democracy and comply with the goal and thrust of the mixed member proportional electoral and parliamentary model adopted as a panacea for incessant election-centred conflict. Also raising serious questions is the apparent fraud that went along with the process of forming the alliances. Yet this conundrum inheres in the country’s two-ballot electoral system, which apparently allows political parties registering for elections to choose between fielding candidates in constituencies and targeting party votes …

Francis K MakoaVolume 7 Number 1, Jun 2008, , , , , , , , lesotho2008 2007vol-7
The Media and Electoral Politics in Lesotho Between 1993 and 2007

Both theory and empirical evidence suggest that political instability hinders domestic investment and foreign direct investment, therefore retarding economic growth. Moreover, political instability generates inefficiently high inflation, which hinders investment, reduces welfare and retards economic growth. In Lesotho periods of political instability are associated with very low levels of investment and economic growth. However, there is no evidence to suggest that political instability has led to high levels of inflation in those troubled …

Masilo Philemon MakhethaVolume 7 Number 1, Jun 2008, , , , , , , , , , , lesotho2008 2007vol-7
The Impact of Floor Crossing on Electoral Politics and Representative Democracy in Lesotho

There is a firm consensus among both academics and policy analysts that political parties are the linchpin of representative democracy. However, parties require, among other things, internal cohesion, democratic and visionary leadership, intra-party democracy and constructive management of internal conflict as well as mutually beneficial inter-party relations if they are to add value to representative democracy. Without the above qualities political parties on their own, and through the legislature, may not play their role effectively. While floor crossing or political migration, in and of itself, is not necessarily undesirable in a democracy, if not well managed it accentuates the proliferation of parties, a trend that may have adverse effects on already fragmented party systems and fledgling representative democracies such as that prevailing in Lesotho. In the discussion that follows we examine the impact on Lesotho’s representative parliamentary democracy of faction fighting and party schisms, which, in turn, lead to floor …

Khabele Matlosa and Victor ShaleVolume 7 Number 1, Jun 2008, , , , , lesotho2008vol-7
How Parties Fared in the 2007 Election: A Theoretical Exploration of the Outcome

Lesotho, like other less developed countries, has embarked on the route to democratisation. As part of this process one of the tests a country must go through is the holding of free and fair elections. Elections have been recognised as one of the most important institutional mechanisms for shaping both political participation and competition. The role of elections in a democracy is but one of its fundamentals, albeit a vital one. Since the 1998 election in Lesotho one party appears to be not only dominating the political landscape but also winning every election. The Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) won the 1998, 2002 and 2007 elections despite the fact that it fragmented twice, giving rise to two parties – the Lesotho Peoples’ Congress in September 2001 and the All Basotho Convention in October 2006. In 2007 the LCD formed an election pact with the National Independent Party. In analysing the LCD’s repeated success this paper considers four voting models: sociological, party identification, patron-client, and rational choice. While there are various voting models the paper argues that the rational choice model appears to come closest to explaining the LCD’s success in 2007. It does not, however, claim that the model provides a definitive answer but attempts to reflect patterns that may reveal some similarities with the …

Fako Johnson LikotiVolume 7 Number 1, Jun 2008, , , , , 2008 2007vol-7
Electoral System Reform and Implications for Gender Equality

This paper examines the impact of an electoral system on women’s participation in electoral politics and their representation in the legislature. It advances the argument that while the nature of an electoral system influences the degree of women’s representation other factors also play a role. Upon independence in 1966 Lesotho adopted the first-past-the-post system. This system, which was used until 2002, is generally considered less conducive to gender equality. There was a general optimism, therefore, when the model was changed in 2002 to a mixed member proportional system, which introduced an element of proportionality to the way in which votes cast in elections are translated into parliamentary seats. Generally proportional systems are reputed to encourage gender equality. But has this been the case in Lesotho thus …

Khabele MatlosaVolume 7 Number 1, Jun 2008, , , , , , , lesotho2008vol-7
JAE Volume 7 Number 1 Jun 2023 [Entire Journal]

Volume 7 Number 1, Jun 20082008
The Challenge of Political Legitimacy Posed by the 2007 General Election

The placing of electoral democracy at the top of the SADC agenda is steadily beginning to pay dividends – Swaziland is the only country in Southern Africa which does not hold democratic elections. Since democratisation in 1993 Lesotho has held four elections. This paper considers the 2007 election, discussing the electoral process and the subsequent challenges to its legitimacy. The argument advanced is that conflict and contested election outcomes threaten the legitimacy of elected authorities and tend also to threaten the stability of the country’s political system. The institutionalisation of political conflict resolution based on dialogue and tolerance seems to be the preferred way to tackle these problems. Lesotho must embark on deliberate transformation to strengthen the institutions of democracy in order to accommodate emerging political …

Sofonea ShaleVolume 7 Number 1, Jun 2008, , , , , , , , , , swaziland2008 2007vol-7
Book Review: Democratisation and demilitarisation in Lesotho: The general election of 1993 and its aftermath

Motlamelle Anthony KapaVolume 7 Number 1, Jun 20082008
The 2007 General Election in Lesotho: Managing the Post-Election Conflict

The optimism triggered by Lesotho’s transition from military dictatorship to multiparty democracy and the reform of the electoral system from the first-past-the-post (FPTP) system to the mixed member proportional (MMP) system may be fizzling out. In 1993 the country underwent an historic transition from military dictatorship to embrace multiparty democracy through an epoch-making election. Since then it has held four multiparty elections. The first two (1993 and 1998) were held on the basis of the FPTP electoral system, while the latest two (2002 and 2007) were held on the basis of the new MMP system. However, the extent to which these multiparty elections have added value to democratisation in the country still remains moot. Almost all the elections held under the FPTP system were contentious and their outcomes evoked both violent and non-violent responses from defeated parties. Following the introduction of the MMP system there were high expectations that levels of violent conflict would subside. This was indeed the case after the 2002 general election, but this trend changed after the 2007 election, which was marred by violence which triggered direct intervention from the Southern African Development …

Khabele MatlosaVolume 7 Number 1, Jun 2008, , , , lesotho2008 2007vol-7
The 2007 General Election in Lesotho: Abuse of the MMP System?

Lesotho took an innovative step forward in 2001, when the introduction of the MMP electoral system became a central part of the political and consensual solutions to the upheaval following the 1998 elections. MMP combines proportional representation on a national scale with single-member constituencies and the solution was seen by many as a promising step forward. The system was incorporated in Lesotho’s Constitution in 2001 and was used for the first time in the 2002 elections, where it clearly delivered on its promises. In 2007, however, the picture was very different, primarily because the IEC had accepted the participation in the election of political parties which had formed informal alliances aimed at circumventing the 2001 constitutional amendment. The main problem was that the memorandum of understanding of one of alliances was accepted by the IEC, despite the fact that the intention was clearly to circumvent the Constitution. To the consternation of the other parties, the arrangement gave the alliance an additional 20 seats. The fact that the alliance did not directly violate the electoral law and was accepted by the IEC has resulted in an extremely complicated political and legal impasse. The paper sketches the background of the current situation, explains why it has developed, and suggests a way …

Khabele MatlosaVolume 7 Number 1, Jun 2008, , , lesotho2008 2007vol-7
Vote Buying in Nigerian Elections: An Assessment of the 2007 General Elections

Nigeria’s electoral process has been confronted with daunting and enormous challenges which bedevil the conduct of elections considered free, fair and acceptable both within the country and internationally. But a more crucial problem in Nigeria’s electoral system is that of vote buying (and vote selling). This study exposes the nature of vote buying (and selling) as a form of electoral malpractice whose root causes may be linked to illiteracy, poverty and a zero-sum game of political exclusion. Overall, Nigeria needs to fight illiteracy, poverty and the practice of constitutional engineering if it is to be able to hold credible …

N D Danjibo and Abubakar OladejiVolume 6 Number 2, Oct 2007, , , , nigeria2007vol-6
A Review of the Campaign Strategies

This paper reviews the campaign strategies used in the 2007 elections in Nigeria and their outcome. The gaps between the Nigerian and global situations are also discussed and recommendations made on how to improve the situation in accordance with the electoral reforms proposed by President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua in his inauguration address in Abuja. The paper focuses predominantly on the presidential campaigns of the three leading political parties in the country, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and the Action Congress …

Isaac Olawale AlbertVolume 6 Number 2, Oct 20072007
Public Perception of the 2007 Nigeria’s General Elections

This paper analyses public perceptions of the 2007 Nigerian general elections. It does this through a content analysis of the reports of domestic and international election monitoring groups and popular responses from civil society, opposition elements, mass media and notable individuals. The paper finds that public perceptions of the elections were highly negative. Opinions were canvassed widely, lending credibility to their validity and reliability, perceptions corroborated by the outcome of electoral petition tribunals which have nullified some elections. One inevitable conclusion was that the elections were the most flawed in the country’s history. Some of the most notable irregularities were late commencement of voting, inadequate voting materials, lack of secrecy in the voting process, omission of names and/or pictures of some candidates from the ballot papers, prevalence of underage voting, ballot stuffing, rampant cases of ballot-box snatching at gun point, and falsification of results. Some actions of the new government, such as the call for a government of national unity and the institution of an electoral reform panel, suggest government’s acceptance of the negative …

P F Adebayo and J Shola OmotolaVolume 6 Number 2, October 2007, , , , nigeria2007vol-6
Professor John Barratt: A Tribute

Peter ValeVolume 6 Number 2, October 20072007
Party Formation and Electoral Contest in Nigeria: The Labour Party and the 2007 Election in Ondo State

While principles like popular participation, accountability and majority rule, rather than institutions, define the framework of democracy the primacy of political parties therein cannot be overemphasised. Indeed, the effectiveness
of political parties is directly proportional to the degree of resilience democracy enjoys. The deepening of the democratic system which should ordinarily accompany the paradigmatic shift in Nigeria’s highly restrictive party
formation system effective November 2002 was, however, lost through the widespread manipulation of the April 2007 elections by President Olusegun Obasanjo’s PDP government. Yet the intervention of the Labour Party in
the politics of Ondo State remains undiminished by the widespread abuse of the electoral process, validating the hypothesis that ‘the process of party formation is highly dependent on the structural and institutional context of
the individual politicians …’ (Perkins 2000); and that the capacity of a political party is largely a function of its organisational structure, itself influenced by the wider prevailing governance structure within which it operates. Even so, the LP faces the challenge of institutionalisation in the context in which it exists virtually in only one state, and in a country where the tortuous democratic transition trajectory is defined and undermined by the mushrooming of political parties.

N Oluwafemi MimikoVolume 6 Number 2, Oct 2007, , , , , , , nigeria2007vol-6
Nigeria’s 2007 General Elections and the Succession Crises: Implications for the Nascent Democracy

Undoubtedly, the events of the 2007 general elections coupled with the verdict of both local and international observers clearly demonstrated that the entire electoral process was controversial, thereby making the election flawed. The concomitant effect is a crisis of political succession, which has always been the bane of Nigeria’s march to democracy. Thus, the thrust of this paper is an in depth analysis of the elections vis-à-vis political succession. After an introductory overview the paper proceeds to a conceptualisation of political succession, which forms its theoretical framework. Part three dwells on the flawed elections, discussing what went wrong. The final section calls for the restructuring of Nigeria’s electoral system and recommends a number of remedies. The paper, however, infers that without a credible election sustainable democracy in Nigeria may become a mirage after …

Volume 6 No 2, Oct 2007Volume 6 Number 2, Oct 2007, , , , , , , nigeria2007vol-6
The Independent National Electoral Commission as an (im)partial Umpire in the Conduct of The 2007 Election

As a central agency in the democratic game, the role of an electoral body such as the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is clearly of paramount importance in the process of transition to and consolidation of democracy. Unfortunately in Nigeria the performance of this institutional umpire since the First Republic has instead been a source of crisis and a threat to the existence of the Nigerian state. The widely perceived catastrophic failure of INEC in the April 2007 general elections was only one manifestation for the ‘performance crisis’ of antecedent electoral umpires in the Nigerian First, Second and Third republics. The paper highlights the malignant operational environment as a major explanation for the manifest multiple disorders of the elections and concludes that INEC’s conduct was tantamount to partiality. Thus, while fundamental changes need to be considered in the enabling law setting up INEC, ensuring the organisation’s independence, and guaranteeing its impartiality, the paper suggests that membership of the commission should be confined to representatives nominated by their parties and a serving judge appointed by the judiciary as chairman of the …

Uno Ijim-AgborVolume 6 Number 2, October 2007, , , , , , nigeria2007vol-6
Godfather and the 2007 Nigerian General Elections

The paper is a critical analysis of the role of the ‘godfathers’ in the 2007 Nigerian general elections from the perspective of the elitist concept of politics, with emphasis on its manifestation, implications and possible solutions. The main argument of the paper is that the unprecedented influence of the ‘godfathers’ on the 2007 elections may not be unconnected with the weak institutionalisation of political parties and related infrastructures of democracy. This enables the monetisation, privatisation and criminalisation of politics, ably assisted by the undemocratic attitudes and behaviour of major political actors at the highest level. The result has been the deinstitutionalisation of core institutions of democracy and people who have been reduced to mere clients/ consumers/ spectators rather than primary stakeholders in the democratisation process. The consequences have mostly been bad governance and rising conflict across the country. Unless something fundamental is done to address the situation Nigerian elections, as the 2007 experience suggests, will produce little more than ‘choiceless’ democracy. The paper concludes with recommendations for the reform of all democratic institutions and the initiation of a sustainable process of political re-engineering and social mobilisation at all levels. These are possible within a reformist developmental …

J Shola OmotolaVolume 6 Number 2, Oct 2007, , , , , , , nigeria2007vol-6
Electoral Violence and Nigeria’s 2007 Elections

Nigeria is looked upon by many both in Africa and outside to give leadership in the best democratic practices. Unfortunately, since its independence in 1960, its electoral process has been marred by violence, the most extreme of which, until 2007, was the violence in the Western Region in 1965-1966, which ushered in the first military coup in the country. This paper examines the issue of electoral violence in the 2007 elections and concludes that it was the worst in the country’s 47 years of electoral history. The reason is mainly that those who perpetrate the violence are never punished. Instead, they are protected, and their victims are denied justice. The solution, therefore, lies in enthroning the rule of law, investigating and punishing tin gods, and mobilising citizens to defend democracy, and insist that politicians, incumbent governments, and electoral administrators play by the …

Osisioma B C NwoliseVolume 6 Number 2, October 2007, , , , , , , nigeria2007vol-6
Electoral Laws and the 2007 General Elections in Nigeria

Credible elections are a salient indicator of democratic consolidation and the principal institutionalised means of forming and changing democratic governments. A central determinant of the success of any election is the institutions which structure the behaviour of participants and the choices available to them, hence their belief in pay-offs to individuals and groups. The guiding principles and regulations of the 2007 general elections in Nigeria are to be found in the 1999 Constitution and in the Electoral Act 2006. These documents not only set out the rules, the enactment of the Electoral Act usually signals the beginning of the electoral contest. The Constitution and the Act together make elaborate provision for voter registration, party and candidate registration, campaign financing and regulation, election observation, ballot design, polling stations, voting, counting, and tabulation, election management bodies, and disputesettlement authorities. This paper reviews critically the constitutional provisions on elections and the Electoral Act 2006 in the context of the challenges of achieving credible elections in …

E Remi AiyedeVolume 6 Number 2, October 2007, , , nigeria2007vol-6
Elections: An Exploration of Theoretical Postulations

There is no doubt that a free and fair election is a sine qua non for electoral democracy, but not every election fulfils these criteria. Against this premise this paper attempts to explore theoretical postulations vis-à-vis elections. With brief introductory remarks emphasising the importance of elections to democratic sustenance and consolidation, the paper proceeds to examine the democratic utility of elections in all regions and climes and the misconception that elections held regularly are an end in themselves and not a means to an end. The third section dwells on the necessary prerequisites for the conduct of a free and fair election, thereby bringing out the peculiar existential reality of African politics. The paper infers that democratic sustenance via elections may not be easily attainable until African politicians become democrats themselves. This is not unconnected with the fact that no polity can nurture democracy until democrats …

Emmanuel O OjoVolume 6 Number 2, October 2007, , , nigeria2007vol-6
Journal of African Elections Volume 6 Number 2 Oct 2007 [Entire Journal]

2007
Building Democracy without Democrats? Political Parties and Threats of Democratic Reversal in Nigeria

Political parties are not only a major agency for the recruitment and enthronement of political leaders in an electoral democracy they are the foundation and a building block of the process of democratic evolution and consolidation. However, the nature and character of the dominant political parties in Nigeria threaten the country’s nascent democratic project. They lack clear ideological orientation, do not articulate alternative worldviews, rarely mobilise the citizenry, and basically adopt anti-democratic methods to confront and resolve democratic issues. Intra- and inter-party electoral competition is fraught with intense violence, acrimony and warfare. Put differently, these parties display all the tendencies and conduct of authoritarianism. The result is that what exists in Nigeria is ‘democratism’, the form and not the substance of an evolving …

Said Adejumo and Michael KehindeVolume 6 Number 2, Oct 2007, , , , , nigeria2007vol-6
Book Reviews: Muslim Civic Cultures and Conflict Resolution: the Challenge of Democratic Federalism in Nigeria & Making Democracy Work In Nigeria: A review of Challenges of Sustainable Democracy in Nigeria

Lucien ToulouVolume 6 Number 2, Oct 2007nigeria2007
What Future for Electoral Studies?: A Critique

Using approaches drawn from critical theory this paper explores the idea of electoral studies from historical and contemporary perspectives. It argues that the techniques used in electoral studies – in Southern African and elsewhere – have been corroded by neo-liberal economics and therefore by the rote and routine of management studies. Electoral studies might secure individual security and so promote governance by becoming more relevant to the lives and everyday struggles of the region’s …

Peter ValeVolume 6 Number 1, Jun 2007, botswana lesotho namibia south-africa zimbabwe2007vol-6
Voting Behaviour in the SA Local Government Elections of 2006 With Specific Reference to the Youth

This paper provides an overview of the third local government elections in South Africa, held on 1 March 2006. Three broad explanations are given for voting behaviour (rational choice, party identification, and the sociological model). We argue that contrary to the expectations and assumption that voter turnout and behaviour would be determined by material issues (service delivery) the outcome points to participation as being an intrinsic value in itself. In the second part of the paper we focus on youth voting behaviour, based on a pilot study conducted among political science and sociology students at the University of Pretoria in April 2006. We conclude that despite low levels of voter registration and voting among young people, they tend to become more involved in ‘ballot box’ activities over time and remain largely optimistic about the country. To the extent that voters (youth and adults) are dissatisfied with the performance of the ruling party (the party of overwhelming choice) such dissatisfaction does not point to a shift to support opposition parties. Rather, debates about policy and performance will take place within the ruling party, among various factions fighting for the ‘soul of the …

Maxi Schoeman and Charles PuttergillVolume 6 Number 1, Jun 2007, , , , , , south-africa2007 2006vol-6
A Preface to an Inclusive African Electoral System Reform Agenda

The main purpose of this paper is to contribute to a better understanding of why African electoral systems should be reformed and how to do so in order to improve the quality of representation, participation, and government effectiveness. We attempt to offer a generic framework, a menu, so to speak, whereby African political parties and policy makers can reflect on the current state of play vis-à-vis their electoral systems and then decide whether a comprehensive or partial electoral reform agenda is needed. The paper also delineates the various institutions and stakeholders that should be involved in the electoral system reform process. This is a call to improve the reform process instead of entrusting it with a limited range of state-sponsored institutions, which often create more problems than those they contrive to solve. The paper is divided into four sections: a) a synoptic exposé of electoral reforms; b) the various types of electoral reforms and the factors which militate against them; c) lessons from the African experience with electoral system reforms; and d) an analysis of the main stakeholders required to steer a comprehensive electoral system reform …

Mohamed Salih and Abdalla HamdokVolume 6 Number 1, Jun 2007, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , kenya lesotho liberia nigeria sadc sierra-leone sudan togo2007vol-6
The Political Economy of Democracy in Tanzania

Tanzania is one of the poorest countries in the world and, as is the case with other poor countries, there have been, for the past 20 years, internal and external efforts to try to free the country from the woes of poverty. There are many theories about what went wrong in Tanzania. These range from colonial domination – and its attendant problems of dependency and underdevelopment – to those which target capitalism and its ‘predatory’ nature, leading, among other things, to unequal exchange on the world market, world division of labour, and so on (Ellis 1983; Dutkiewicz & Williams 1987) as well as the ubiquitous globalisation which currently affects many aspects of life. However, not everyone believes that these theories provide a plausible explanation for what happened and why. Some see the problem as structural and also cite the inappropriate policies pursued by many poor countries, which were candidly acknowledged by the Organisation of African Unity (1986, p 17). Others (eg, Babu 1991, pp 31-4, Shivji 1974, pp 85-90) blame the way the policy was implemented. We will examine the causes of the predicament more closely and demonstrate how things are …

Ernest T MallyaVolume 6 Number 1, Jun 2007, , , , , , , , tanzania2007vol-6
Opposition Party Alliances and Elections in Botswana, Lesotho and Zambia

The Southern African Development Community has made significant democratic progress since the 1990s following a wave of ferocious internal conflicts, as in Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo. In order for the achievements to be sustained the region requires viable political parties, which are key role players in a democracy. The majority of the current ruling parties in the SADC region such as the African National Congress, the Botswana Democratic Party, Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (Frelimo), the Lesotho Congress for Democracy, Zambia’s Movement for Multiparty Democracy and the South West Africa People’s Organisation are very powerful, while opposition parties are fragmented and generally weak. However, a trend has developed for opposition parties, having recognised their limitations, to form alliances in order to play a meaningful role. This route has been followed by opposition parties in Botswana, Lesotho and Zambia. On the eve of the recent general elections in Lesotho and Zambia, parties negotiated strategies to maximise their chances of winning. In Botswana the negotiation process is still under way, albeit threatened by the failure of parties to move from their fixed positions. These developments raise a critical question: does the formation of alliances constitute a viable option for opposition parties aspiring to power? Put differently: could alliances be the winning formula for the opposition parties in their attempts to circumvent the glaring paucity of their numbers and become a force to be reckoned …

Victor ShaleVolume 6 Number 1, June 2007, , , , , , , , botswana lesotho zambia2007vol-6
Measuring the Support for Democracy in Namibia: Intrinsic or Instrumental?

This paper argues that the notion of liberal democracy is inadequate in explaining the challenges faced by the Namibian government in its attempts to consolidate democracy. The contention is that political freedoms gained, such as free elections, a respect for human rights, and equality before the law are, inter alia, crucial to endowing the political regime in Namibia with legitimacy. For democracy to be truly consolidated in the country, however, these intrinsic elements must be complemented by an instrumental component. Simply put, political freedoms must be supported by economic delivery. Ultimately, the paper postulates that people measure their support and satisfaction with democracy holistically, hence the distinction between economic and political support becomes …

Lesley BlaauwVolume 6 Number 1, Jun 2007, , namibia2007vol-6
Founding Elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo: A Highly Fragmented Party System

In this paper we analyse the embryonic party system in the Democratic Republic of Congo as a result of the legislative and provincial elections. Although a strong electoral system (with small district magnitudes) was implemented, the party system fragmentation at national as well as at provincial level is very high. As illustrated in this paper, strong electoral systems (small district magnitudes) generate different effects in emerging democracies from more traditional democracies. The main reason for this difference is the absence of structured political party organisations. A democratic system needs some fragmentation to function, but a highly fragmented system runs the risk of not functioning at all. Thus we plead for investment in structuring the party system by developing cross-district party organisations and stimulating collaboration and cooperation between the numerous existing parties and independent …

Volume 6, Number 1democratic-republic-of-congo-drc2007vol-6
Electoral Reform in Southern Africa: Voter Turnout, Electoral Rules and Infrastructure

Elections are the most important elements of democracies and, with referenda, the only way to organise mass participation and to promote government accountability. Low voter turnout can be seen as an indicator of low legitimacy and limited political stability. The African Union, the Southern African Development Community and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development champion the idea of transparency and the integrity of the electoral process as well as greater participation and electoral turnout. An analysis of the voting age population of Southern African reveals that voter turnout is declining alarmingly. Do electoral rules and electoral infrastructure matter? The paper analyses election instruments using qualitative criteria from democratic theory. Are electoral systems, quotas for women and the conjunction of elections influencing voter turnout? Is a reform of voting infrastructure necessary? Southern African countries diverge widely in their electoral rules and infrastructure, which allows for cross-national learning. A number of remedies, including the necessity for automatic voter registration, are …

Norbert KerstingVolume 6 Number 1, Jun 2007, , , , , , , botswana drc lesotho madagascar malawi mauritius mozambique namibia south-africa tanzania zambia zimbabwe2007vol-6
Journal of African Elections Volume 6 Number 1 June 2007 [Entire Journal]

Volume 6 Number 1, Jun 20072007
Democracy and Security in West and Southern Africa

This paper offers a comparative analysis of security and democracy in West and Southern Africa. It examines the popular notion that political liberalism leads to security, maintaining that it is too elitist, statist and exclusive to offer socio-economic security to all the regions’ peoples. The paper shows that state-driven regional institutions stifle public participation in their decision-making and implementation processes. So, to attain a harmonious balance between democracy and security, this paper proposes an institutionalised democratic ethos anchored in a discursive or deliberative culture. This will ensure the interests of all: people, state and …

Albert Domson-LindsayVolume 6 Number 1, Jun 2007, , , , , , , cote-divoire liberia sierra-leone tanzania zambia zimbabwe2007vol-6
Contemporary African Political Parties: Institutionalisation for the Sustainability of Democracy

Political parties are the custodians of democracy. Following the return of democracy to Africa during the ‘third’ and ‘fourth’ waves, political parties are undergoing structural changes (from military and one-party authoritarianism to liberal multiparty systems) for the development of sustainable democracy. This paper is not about institutionalised political parties or party systems, it is about understanding the historical development of political parties and their transformational nature in relation to the development of democracy in Africa. The paper therefore identifies some critical challenges that are threatening the institutionalisation process of the parties. These include party funding and finance, party ideology, the dominant-party syndrome, ineffective civil society opposition and problems of fragile electoral institutions. The paper argues that though these problems are part of the wider socio-political and economic dilemmas inherent in Africa they are more pervasive and have a devastating affect on political parties as instruments of modern representative democracy. The paper thus contends that, given the main concerns and attributes of good governance, it is the only panacea that can wholly address the institutional problems of political parties as well as other structural and institutional obstacles to the development of sustainable democracy in Africa. Good governance is presumed here to be the ideal and pragmatic solution to such institutional …

Sulaiman Balarabe KuraVolume 6 Number 1, Jun 2007, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , liberia sierra-leone zaire zimbabwe2007vol-6
Book Review: Democratic Reform in Africa: Its Impact on Governance and Poverty Alleviation

Volume 6 Number 1, Jun 20072007
Youth and Politics in Botswana

This paper examines the extent and nature of electoral participation in general and that of youth in particular and attempts an explanation. It draws on reports from the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) and its predecessor, the Elections Office, and on opinion surveys carried out by the Democracy Research Project of the University of Botswana (DRP). It argues that the poor participation of youth in politics in Botswana in general and in elections in particular is rooted in traditional Tswana culture which limits the participation of youth in public affairs. This culture is reproduced by the main socialising agents in society such as the family, the school system, political parties, and the …

Tidimane Ntsabane and Chris NtauVolume 5 Number 2, Dec 2006, , , , botswana2006vol-5-volumes
Trends In State-Civil Society Relations In Botswana

The accolades that have been heaped on Botswana as a shining example of democracy and good governance in Africa have been exaggerated. While Botswana has regularly held elections since its independence in 1966, the post-colonial state’s relationship with civil society reveals that some of the institutions of civil society such as labour unions and the independent press/media have been tightly controlled, in sharp contrast to others, such as human rights or women’s organisations. This is because the former institutions are viewed as a threat to the status quo, while the latter are seen as compliant and playing only a legitimising …

Monageng Mogalakwe and David SebudubuduVolume 5 Number 2, Dec 2006, , , botswana2006vol-5-volumes
The Role and Status of the Independent Electoral Commission

Free, fair and transparent elections are fundamental to democracy. Citizens need to be assured that the politicians truly reflect the will of the people. The bodies charged with overseeing the election process must be impartial and independent, transparent and accountable. Botswana’s Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) has overseen two elections since its formation in 1997 and overall has been judged to have carried out its duties competently and fairly. The elections have been free of disputes, contributing to the widely held belief that Botswana is a stable democracy. The IEC is to be applauded for undertaking self-evaluations with stakeholders following each election in order to improve its performance. However, the structure and funding of the IEC leave it open to the charge that it is not truly independent of government and this has led to allegations, particularly by the opposition, that it may be biased. These perceived threats to independence should be addressed in the interests of transparency and to reassure the voters and avoid messy contestation of election results. It is recommended that the IEC should be responsible to Parliament and not to the Office of the President. It should be adequately funded to enable it to perform its tasks and obligations under the Constitution and the Act. The chief executive officer of the IEC should be appointed by the IEC itself in order to guarantee …

Mogopodi H LekorweVolume 5 Number 2, Dec 2006, , botswana2006vol-5-volumes
From Pre-Colony to Post-Colony: Continuities and Discontinuities in Political Power Relations and Governance in Botswana

Botswana has been praised for its adherence to parliamentary democracy and good governance and as the best hope for Africa. However, a closer examination of its much vaunted democracy reveals a top-down presidential system in which an unelected president has more power and authority than an elected Parliament and the country’s parliamentary system does not ensure and facilitate broad-based and inclusive political participation in the decision-making process. This resembles the political power relations and governance systems of both the pre-colonial era under the chiefs and the colonial era of the resident …

Monageng MogalakweVolume 5 Number 2, Dec 2006, , , botswana2006vol-5-volumes
Opposition Politics and the Challenges of Fragmentation in Botswana

It has become an article of faith that in modern political life political parties are the legitimate and logical instruments through which the diverse interests of groups within any societal polity should be mobilised to negotiate peaceful coexistence and democratic governance. The failure of these instruments to perform this role in that manner in societies outside the Anglo-Saxon cultures in which they were born is too often glossed over as a reflection of certain persisting innate inabilities on the part of the non-Anglo-Saxon people on which they were imposed. However, it is the contention of this paper that it is not always very helpful to study political institutions born in one culture and grafted onto another by simple reference to their characteristics in the culture of their birth. Rather, it is more useful to acknowledge the historical specificity of their transfer and examine how this has inter-phased with the new cultural milieu to redefine their characteristics and define future directions for change. This paper is a study of Botswana’s political parties and their relations. Specifically it seeks to examine inter-party relations to assess prospects for opposition party cooperation for effective competition for the governing …

Onalenna Doo Selolwane and Victor ShaleVolume 5 Number 2, Dec 2006botswana2006vol-5-volumes
Gender and Elections in Botswana

There can be no real democracy without political parties – the lubricant that oils the engine of democracy. However, the dichotomy between political parties and democracy remains uncertain. The same is true of the relationship between democratic theory and party organisations. The concept of intraparty democracy centres on the idea of including party members in intraparty deliberations and decision-making processes. It is true that parties that are not open and transparent are unlikely to become democratic in their policy commitment because democratic institutions produce democratic attitudes and authoritarian institutions produce authoritarian attitudes. Our thesis is that intra-party democracy is a prerequisite for a democratic state. This paper traces the development of intra-party democracy within the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) and argues that a new model of intra-party democracy, which is participatory in nature, is emerging within the party, although it is still resisted by some, ostensibly on the grounds that it destabilises the …

Zitha MokomaneVolume 5 Number 2, Dec 2006, , , , botswana2006vol-5-volumes
A Failure to Unite Means a Failure to Win: The Leadership Challenge for Botswana’s Opposition

The paper argues that the failure of opposition parties to oust the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) from its firm grip on power has a great deal to do with a weak opposition leadership. Following the famous opposition victory in the Gaborone West North parliamentary by-election of 2005, where, for the first time, a united opposition won against the ruling BDP in parliamentary elections, electoral unity talks among opposition parties started in earnest, with a heightened sense that unity was the only possible way of ousting the BDP in the 2009 general election. This renewed sense of hope, however, seems to be nothing but a mirage, with signs of discontent and mistrust already showing among the parties engaged in these …

Kaelo Molefhe and Lewis DzimbiriVolume 5 Number 2, Dec 2006, , , , , , , , , , botswana2006vol-5-volumes
Enhancing Intra-Party Democracy: The Case of the Botswana Democratic Party

There can be no real democracy without political parties – the lubricant that oils the engine of democracy. However, the dichotomy between political parties and democracy remains uncertain. The same is true of the relationship between democratic theory and party organisations. The concept of intra-party democracy centres on the idea of including party members in intra-party deliberations and decision-making processes. It is true that parties that are not open and transparent are unlikely to become democratic in their policy commitment because democratic institutions produce democratic attitudes and authoritarian institutions produce authoritarian attitudes. Our thesis is that intra-party democracy is a prerequisite for a democratic state. This paper traces the development of intra-party democracy within the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) and argues that a new model of intra-party democracy, which is participatory in nature, is emerging within the party, although it is still resisted by some, ostensibly on the grounds that it destabilises the …

Zein Kebonang and Wankie Rodrick WankieVolume 5 Number 2, Dec 2006, , botswana2006vol-5-volumes
Elections and Parliamentary Oversight in Botswana

Botswana’s Legislature plays a significant role in overseeing the electoral system and ensuring that it adheres to the minimum basic tenets of democracy such as free and fair, competitive elections and that the vast majority of eligible voters participate in the whole electoral processes. The main piece of legislation the National Assembly has enacted is the Electoral Act, which provides for the general administration of elections and electoral processes, electoral institutions, requirements for voting, electoral offences and sanctions. The Electoral Act has been supplemented and augmented by constitutional amendments, notably the establishment of the Independent Electoral Commission and the promulgation of regulations. The former, in particular, has, by and large, addressed the issue of free and fair elections. The paper concludes that these legislative initiatives have contributed to the consolidation of liberal democracy in the country and that Parliament has a still greater role to play in ensuring a free and fair electoral …

Onkemetse B TshosaVolume 5 Number 2, Dec 2006, , , , , botswana2006vol-5-volumes
Election Observation and Monitoring in Botswana

In an attempt to address the concerns of opposition parties, election observation and monitoring have in recent years become part of the electoral process in Botswana. This paper examines their role in Botswana’s electoral process. It argues that election observation and monitoring have promoted transparency and accountability as well as public confidence in the credibility of the Botswana electoral process, especially in recent years. Moreover, they are a source of legitimacy and stability. The paper concludes that it is the emergence of democratic regimes in the region that in part has attracted observers to Botswana’s elections despite the fact that its elections have generally been free and peaceful and have involved no major …

David SebudubuduVolume 5 Number 2, Dec 2006, , , , , botswana2006vol-5-volumes
JAE Volume 5 Number 2 Dec 2006 [Entire Journal, Special Issue: Elections and Democracy in Botswana]

Volume 5 Number 2, Dec 20062006
Democracy and Botswana’s Electoral System

This paper underscores the fact that Botswana has the longest-serving democracy in sub-Saharan Africa and yet remains deficient in the application of democratic norms. The electoral system that Botswana uses, the simple majority first-past-the-post (FPTP) system, is one of the elements held accountable for the limited extent of democracy in the country. It is widely recognised that the political stability and accountability the country enjoys is a result of the FPTP system. Nevertheless, the system is considered to be wanting in many important indicators of democracy such as popular representation, inclusiveness, and consensus building. In the light of this the paper recommends electoral reform that would not throw away the positive attributes of the FPTP system but build on them to introduce more inclusive processes. The paper recommends that instead of taking the extreme position of introducing proportional representation, which also has its fair share of problem, leading to government instability and lack of accountability and effective links between politicians and the electorate, it recommends a middle of the road solution – the mixed member proportionality system – which strives to include the best elements of the other two electoral …

Mpho G MolomoVolume 5 Number 2, Dec 2006, , , , botswana2006vol-5-volumes
Civic Participation and Voting Patterns in Botswana

Civic participation is a broad and far-reaching concept that means different things to different people and in different contexts. Botswana is highly regarded in Africa and the world as a model of democracy and good governance, a regard that is associated with the liberal democratic credentials of the country and with regular elections, which have been declared by commentators and observers to be ‘free and fair’. However, despite the accolades bestowed on Botswana, civic participation in the political affairs of the country has been poor. There has been low voter turnout in most general elections since independence in 1965 and there has been a downward trend in civic engagement. This calls into question the much-celebrated democratic credentials of the …

Adam MfundisiVolume 5 Number 2, Dec 2006, , , , , botswana2006vol-5-volumes
Building Social Capital and Political Trust: Consolidating Democracy in Botswana

This paper seeks to address the extent of democratic consolidation in Botswana. It departs from the basic premise that democracy is a contested enterprise that is always under construction and is socially embedded in a given cultural setting. In measuring the extent of democratic consolidation it applies the social capital theory to establish how horizontal social networks build norms of reciprocity, which give rise to social capital and political trust. It draws heavily on Putnam’s thesis that networks of interpersonal trust lead to civic participation and engagement, and consequently to political trust. However, what emerges from Botswana’s democratic politics is that Batswana do not have a participative culture, they do not engage in voluntary civic associations and there is a general lack of trust in political institutions and politicians. The paper endeavours to explain this non-participative culture. The traditional system of government – bogosi (chieftainship) – was hereditary, so people were not socialised into electing a leader every five years or so. Yet the paper also shows that the consultative structure of the kgotla (the village assembly) system, although it discriminated against women and youth, has consensual elements built into it. The paper concludes by challenging the thesis that traditionalism must give way to modernity if democracy is to be consolidated. Instead it suggests that the strength of Botswana’s democracy lies in a judicious and careful blending of the Westminster parliamentary system with the traditional rule of bogosi. If democracy is facing a threat it is not from traditional institutions but from globalisation, which has disempowered nation-states and given inordinate powers to …

Mpho G MolomoVolume 5 Number 2, Dec 2006, , , , , , 2006vol-5-volumes
Book Review: 40 Years of Democracy in Botswana 1965-2005

Bertha Z Osei-HwedieVolume 5 Number 2, Dec 20062006 2005
Beyond the State: Botswana’s Democracy and the Global Perspective

The success of democracy is determined both by the extent to which the citizens of a democratic country enjoy rights, freedoms, and a high quality of life and the extent to which the foreign policy of a democratic country articulates its democratic culture and principles abroad. The Western so-called mature democracies have described democracy as their way of life and anyone who is seen to threaten this way of life as their enemy. This particular stand has been clearly brought to the fore by post-September 11 political developments and the USA and UK invasion of Iraq in 2003. The question this paper raises is who has the right to promote democracy? Can democracy success cases such as Botswana be promoters of democracy as well? Does democracy promotion bring any benefits to the promoter? I argue that indeed Botswana has been successful in establishing her democracy at home against all odds. I conclude, however, that Botswana has been a reluctant promoter of democracy abroad. As a result the country’s potential democratic leadership mantle has been taken over by new democracies such as post-apartheid South …

Patrick MolutsiVolume 5 Number 2, Dec 2006, , , , , 2006vol-5-volumes
Reviving A Failed State: The 2005 General Elections in Liberia

The paper reviews the 2005 general election in Liberia, analysing its background, context, processes, dynamics, contradictions and outcomes. The election was generally acclaimed as the most competitive, free, fair, transparent, and credible in the political history of the country and constitutes a significant milestone in the transition from war to peace and the return to political normalcy and democratic rule. However, it evokes a curious paradox: how did a country just emerging from the ashes of a brutal war and unimaginable human destruction, aptly described as the quintessence of a failed state, manage to organise a credible and successful election? Postconflict countries are usually characterised by deep social and political divisions, low political consensus and immense organisational and logistical challenges in the conduct of elections. Three factors, both domestic and international, coalesced to facilitate the emergence of consociational electoral politics and the conduct of successful elections in 2005 in Liberia. These were: the fact that the Liberian people, exhausted by war and violence, were determined to try the electoral option in addressing the question of political power; the preparedness of the electoral commission, in spite of huge operational problems, to conduct free and fair elections; and the tremendous support for and commitment of the international community, especially the United Nations, the Economic Community of West African States, the African Union, and the European Union to the electoral process in Liberia. The successful election marked a process of political renewal and democratic rebirth for a beleaguered, war-ravaged …

Said AdejumobiVolume 5 Number 1, Jun 2006, , , , , , liberia2006 2005vol-5-volumes
Resolution and Transformation of Election Related Conflicts in Africa

Three fundamental points underpin the paradigm of electoral conflict resolution. First, resolving a particular electoral conflict does not imply that disputing parties will never resort to conflict. In Africa, political, economic, and social issues are deeply intertwined, a link which generates various forms of tensions and conflicts. The paradigm of conflict resolution, in this context, then, means disputing parties may revert to conflict, but not necessarily over electoral issues. Secondly, inbuilt in the paradigm is the recognition that some conflicts can become intractable or protracted. Such conflicts need to be significantly transformed into forms that can be approached constructively. Thirdly, the rationale for resolving electoral conflicts is not to compel the parties to conform to the same political ideologies, persuasions, or worldviews. Neither is the rationale to compel disputing parties to adopt similar perspectives and approaches to political issues, or articulate similar political viewpoints. The rationale for resolving electoral conflicts is to encourage stakeholders in the electoral process and conflicting parties in a particular polity to co-exist peacefully despite their different worldviews, political biases and ideologies. These three fundamental points lay the theoretical and analytical foundations of this …

Karanja MbuguaVolume 5 Number 1, Jun 2006, , , , , , , , , , , , burundi cote-divoire democratic-republic-of-congo-drc eritrea ethiopia guinea liberia republic-of-congo rwanda sierra-leone somalia sudan the-central-african-republic-car2006vol-5-volumes
Partisan Realignment in Cape Town 1994-2004

The Western Cape is the one part of South Africa that has experienced strong competition in democratic elections and a dramatic shift in power between political parties. Between 1994 and 2004 the initially dominant National Party lost almost all of its support, while support for the African National Congress rose steadily. Because of both the heterogeneity and supposed fluidity of the ‘coloured vote’ neither voting patterns nor shifts in the Western Cape fit neatly within a simple racial explanation of voting behaviour. Firstly, coloured voters have voted for opposing parties. Secondly, it has been asserted widely, there was a swing among coloured voters from the National Party to the African National Congress. This paper explores ward-level election results and survey data on Cape Town to show that coloured voters continue to be heterogeneous in their voting behaviour but that there is little evidence that former National Party supporters became ANC supporters between 1994 and 2004. The major cause of shifting partisan power in Cape Town is not voter realignment but rather demographic change, with differential turnout playing a role in specific elections. It is the overall electorate, rather than the individual voter, that has …

Jeremy SeekingsVolume 5 Number 1, Jun 2006, , , , , south-africa2006 2004vol-5-volumes
Legislation and the Electoral Process: The Third-term Agenda and the Future of Nigerian Democracy

Elections have meaning for most people in a democratic context only because they lead to the choice of decision-makers by the majority of citizens. Elections and democracy are therefore inextricably linked. Three major challenges face the future of both in Nigeria as it moves towards the 2007 elections. The first is the will and capacity of the National Assembly and the Independent National Electoral Commission to keep to a road map that will lead the country to free and fair elections in 2007. The second is the ambition of President Olusegun Obasanjo to change the Constitution and have a third term in office against the wishes of a majority of Nigerians. And the third is to ensure that the next elections are not as massively rigged as the previous ones …

Jibrin IbrahimVolume 5 Number 1, Jun 2006, , , , , , nigeria2006vol-5-volumes
Irish Electoral Politics

Why might South and Southern Africans find the Irish electoral experience especially relevant and instructive? Firstly, they may identify parallels with their own recent political history. Ireland’s political institutions are the result of a post-colonial settlement and were designed to accommodate an ethnic minority. They survived a long period of one-party rule. Historically they were specially suited to the political predispositions of a mainly rural society. Secondly, Irish electoral arrangements offer to Southern Africans useful lessons for any effort to make political representatives more accountable to citizens. For better or for worse downwards accountability is an especially pronounced feature of Irish politics. This paper will explore Irish electoral experience and the insights it offers to advocates of electoral reform in Southern …

Tom LodgeVolume 5 Number 1, Jun 2006, , , , lesotho mozambique namibia south-africa swaziland zimbabwe2006vol-5-volumes
Independent Candidature and the Electoral Process in Africa

This study reviews the participation of independent, non-partisan candidates in Africa. It examines the development of competitive elections on the continent between 1945 and 2005, a period which includes both decolonisation and democratic transition elections. It also focuses on the participation of independent candidates in these elections at both legislative and presidential levels. It further analyses the place of independent candidature in the continent’s future electoral …

Churchill Ewumbue-MononoVolume 5 Number 1, Jun 2006, , , , , , , , , , , cameroon central-african-republic cote-divoire madagascar malawi mali rwanda sao-tome-and-principe seychelles sierra-leone tanzania togo zambia2006vol-5-volumes
Elections, Gender and Governance in Mauritius

The object of this paper is to explore the reasons for the under representation of women in the Mauritian legislature as well as to examine the implications for democratic governance of such under representation. It argues that although elections are necessary they are not sufficient to legitimise the state. The regularity and peacefulness of Mauritian elections are no doubt an asset but state legitimacy can only be strengthened and democratic governance consolidated if diverse interests and concerns are taken into consideration. Women constitute more than half the population and if their voices remain insufficiently heard democracy is malfunctioning. The paper makes a strong case for electoral reform based on a gender friendly and gender sensitive proportional representation (PR) system. The paper concludes that more women are needed in the legislature in order to work and push for the emergence and consolidation of a gender inclusive developmental state. The demand for more women parliamentarians is not a mere numbers issue but a call for transformational politics, that is, for equity, for social justice, in short for the betterment of the human …

Sheila BunwareeVolume 5 Number 1, Jun 2006, , , , mauritius2006vol-5-volumes
Election Management in Cameroon: Progress, Problems and Prospects

Judged by internationally accepted norms and standards election management in Cameroon stands out as peculiar in more than one respect. Firstly, election management tasks are performed by a multiplicity of bodies and institutions, making it difficult to determine who is really responsible at each stage of the process. Secondly, the conduct of elections is governed by a battery of cross-referencing laws which election stakeholders often find hard to interpret and apply. The problems arising from this situation need to be and are, presently, being addressed within the framework of reforms that target, on the one hand, the adoption of a single, updated and enforceable electoral law and, on the other, the setting up of a viable election management body and the introduction of modern management …

Thaddeus MenangVolume 5 Number 1, Jun 2006, , , , , cameroon2006vol-5-volumes
JAE Volume 5 Number 1 Jun 2006 [Entire Journal]

Volume 5 Number 1, June 20062006
The Dilemmas of Opposition Political Parties in Southern Africa

This paper focuses on the dilemmas of opposition political parties in Southern Africa as they grapple with the double roles of democratising state and society and attempting to capture state power in an environment that has been ideologically hostile to the existence of opposition political parties. The supremacy of the liberation parties in the region makes it very difficult for the opposition political parties to rise to the challenge of offering alternative policy positions. The legitimacy enjoyed by the liberation parties causes ideological dilemmas for the opposition in its competing claims about the shape of economic and political governance. In extreme cases the opposition has to find strategies for responding to harassment, attacks on their supporters, media bias, misuse of state resources and the constraints of the dominant party system. Drawing on examples in Southern Africa the paper highlights the contradictions inherent in the perceptions of opposition parties in governance, their relative electoral weakness and the expectation that they should be the guardians of democracy in a multiparty system. The paper contends that the opposition in Southern Africa has been neglected in the governance debate. If Barrington Moore’s maxim ‘No opposition no democracy’ is used to measure the levels of democratisation in Southern Africa it needs to be changed to ‘No viable opposition no democracy in Southern …

Bertha ChiroroVolume 5 Number 1, Jun 2006, , , , , , , , , malawi mozambique namibia south-africa tanzania zambia zimbabwe2006vol-5-volumes
Book Review: Electoral System Design: The New International IDEA Handbook

Volume 5 Number 1, Jun 20062006
Afro-governance: Continentalism and Africa’s Emerging Democratic Regime

The 1994 Abuja Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community (AEC) commits African states to eventual Pan African political and economic union – a United States of Africa (USAf). Pan-Africanism’s ultimate goal is twofold: an African federal system with a central authority possessing supranational powers and a unitary community resulting from the merger of sovereign African states. But the Abuja Treaty’s ideals remain a distant goal. For now, Africa has entered an important stage en route to that ideal – a ‘new’ wave of Pan-Africanism: progressive ‘continentalism’. The continent’s state actors and key institutions promote a new progressivism, which champions development, peace and security, democratic governance and accelerated economic growth. Whereas the OAU defended non-interference in the domestic affairs of African states and unity and solidarity at all costs and was preoccupied with the liberation struggle and efforts to rid the continent of colonial rule and white minority oppression, the African Union promotes a ‘new’ wave of inter-African union based on the doctrine of nonindifference, by which African states are encouraged to become more democratic and ‘good’ governance is promoted. However, although the new progressive continentalism promotes Afro-governance it is fraught with major challenges because of adherence by the vast majority of African states to narrow notions of ‘sovereignty’. The challenges notwithstanding, while Pan-Africanism remains a distant aspiration, it would be prudent to focus on the consolidation of a progressive …

Chris LandsbergVolume 5 Number 1, Jun 2006, , , , nigeria2006vol-5-volumes
Zimbabwe’s Land Politics and the 2005 Elections

One hundred and fifteen years ago the Pioneer Column hoisted the Union Jack in Salisbury and took possession of all unoccupied land in the name of Queen Victoria, an act of conquest which ushered in close to 100 years of colonial domination of the people of the land by the British. Accordingly, access to and ownership of land has been an intrinsic part of the political discourse in Zimbabwe. Prior to independence land was a key driver of political change. This paper examines the key milestones of Zimbabwe’s land reform process over the years to demonstrate how, during the post-independence era and culminating in the 2005 parliamentary elections, land has continued to have significant value with respect to political dominance and …

Sue MbayaVolume 4 Number 2, Oct 2005, , , , , , zimbabwe2005vol-4
The Politics of the 2005 Parliamentary Elections in Zimbabwe

The political and legal framework governing the 2005 parliamentary elections played a significant role in determining the freeness and fairness of the elections. The repressive legislation and partisan institutions put in place to govern the previous two elections were perpetuated, with new names, new personalities and invigorated allegiance to the ruling party. The continued use of repressive institutions and legislation appears to stem from the ruling party’s insecurity and its desire to maintain its hegemonic position. The establishment of the SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing the Conduct of Democratic Elections was both a timely and welcome development for civil society organisations and human rights activists. The government of Zimbabwe responded by selectively applying critical tenets of the guidelines. Undoubtedly there was a relative reduction in state-organised violence but repressive legislation designed to favour the ruling party was not dismantled. New but partisan electoral bodies were appointed to manage the elections and there was rampant and excessive executive interference in the operations of the electoral bodies. As a result the manner in which the delimitation process was conducted compromised the electoral result. The media were biased throughout the campaign period, only improving a few days before the poll. The voters’ roll was a shambles, with names duplicated or omitted and including the names of deceased or nonexistent voters The announcement of the results in the absence of political party representatives raised suspicions about their validity. Civil society organisations and opposition political parties dismissed as a fraud an election that must be characterised as flawed – it was free but not …

Choice NdoroVolume 4 Number 2, Oct 2005, , , , , , zimbabwe2005vol-4
South Africa and Zimbabwe: Democracy in the Littoral Zone

Looking beyond routine explanations of the deteriorating situation in Zimbabwe, this paper examines mainstream understandings of Southern African politics and the language that produces them. It uses historical sociology to offer an alternative explanation of the development of the region and highlights the overlapping sources of authority that predated the state system. Drawing on the insightful poetry of Douglas Livingstone (and his own peregrinations in the region), the argument suggests that instead of an ontology based on state boundaries the region should be considered a ‘littoral zone’ in which authority and control move back and forth between different social bundles. Imaginative interpretations, rather than the ‘weasel words’ cult democracy, could help secure rights in …

Peter ValeVolume 4 Number 2, Oct 2005, , , south-africa zimbabwe2005vol-4
The Politics of the 2005 Parliamentary Elections in Zimbabwe

The political and legal framework governing the 2005 parliamentary elections played a significant role in determining the freeness and fairness of the elections. The repressive legislation and partisan institutions put in place to govern the previous two elections were perpetuated, with new names, new personalities and invigorated allegiance to the ruling party. The continued use of repressive institutions and legislation appears to stem from the ruling party’s insecurity and its desire to maintain its hegemonic position. The establishment of the SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing the Conduct of Democratic Elections was both a timely and welcome development for civil society organisations and human rights activists. The government of Zimbabwe responded by selectively applying critical tenets of the guidelines. Undoubtedly there was a relative reduction in state-organised violence but repressive legislation designed to favour the ruling party was not dismantled. New but partisan electoral bodies were appointed to manage the elections and there was rampant and excessive executive interference in the operations of the electoral bodies. As a result the manner in which the delimitation process was conducted compromised the electoral result. The media were biased throughout the campaign period, only improving a few days before the poll. The voters’ roll was a shambles, with names duplicated or omitted and including the names of deceased or nonexistent voters The announcement of the results in the absence of political party representatives raised suspicions about their validity. Civil society organisations and opposition political parties dismissed as a fraud an election that must be characterised as flawed – it was free but not …

Choice NdoroVolume 4 Number 2, Oct 2005, , , , , , , zimbabwe2005vol-4
Political Parties and the 2005 Elections in Zimbabwe

Parties play a crucial role in elections for they reflect the configuration of political power in the contestation for state control. Political parties constitute an important medium for citizens’ participation in the political process during and between elections. How have parties fared in the context of the Zimbabwe political situation, in particular during the 2005 elections? Although the 2005 elections were as tightly contested as those of 2000 and 2002, there was a remarkable difference between them. The environment during the campaign of 2005 was peaceful, compared with the political violence and mayhem that accompanied the 2000 and 2002 elections. A new element built into the framework of the election campaign was the SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections, a framework with which SADC member states were enjoined to comply. Another significant factor was the Zimbabwe Government’s strategy of restricting the number and variety of observer missions that would be allowed to witness the election. This paper will not attempt to assess the 2005 election process as a whole but will concentrate on the role of political parties in the contest. Significantly, a major difference from previous elections was the reduction in the number of parties that contested the …

Lloyd M SachikonyeVolume 4 Number 2, Oct 2005, , , , zimbabwe2005vol-4
Persistent Inequalities: Women and Electoral Politics in the Zimbabwe Elections in 2005

This paper examines the 2005 elections in Zimbabwe in the context of persistent gender inequalities that have existed since 1980. These inequalities have been exacerbated by an entrenched patriarchal culture and an electoral system that neither facilitates nor adds value to the increased representation and participation of women. The 31 March 2005 parliamentary elections in Zimbabwe were held amid profound struggles and disagreements over how best to change the formal political machinery. At the same time, struggles by the opposition to broaden and deepen political, economic and civil rights had intensified. Within this same struggle for democratisation the women’s movement has defined itself by a liberal human rights based agenda and has waged the struggle at two levels. The first is the level of a feminist consciousness, where women have fought a war against patriarchy since 1980, through a critique of discriminatory legislation and demands for committed measures to increase women’s political representation. The second is at the oppositional level, where some women’s groups in alliance with other civil society organisations and opposition political parties have challenged the state and the legitimacy of the ZANU-PF rulers and the lack of a free participatory environment. A reflection on the results of the 2005 elections shows that women have not won these two battles. Patriarchy still remains entrenched in political institutions and political parties. A culture that uncritically accepts the need for women as political leaders does not exist. The under representation of women in Zimbabwe has been so stark since 1980 that the injustice seems beyond question. When women occupy a mere 16 per cent of the seats in Parliament, it should be clear that there is something unsatisfactory in the current political arrangements or in the electoral …

Bertha ChiroroVolume 4 Number 2, Oct 2005, , , , , , , zimbabwe2005vol-4
Moods Of Bitterness: How Political Polarisation has Influenced Zimbabwean Elections

Since 2000 elections in Zimbabwe have been characterised by bitter struggles, mainly between the ruling party, the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). In the 2000 parliamentary elections and the 2002 presidential elections these struggles became so violent that lives were lost on both sides, with the protagonists blaming each other for instigating the violence. Real and imagined violence became the language with which even the international community, especially the media, articulated the Zimbabwean crisis at the expense of other equally problematic issues such as the land question, the constitutional debate, economic and personal sanctions, drought and hunger, and poor political decisions by major players on both sides of the political divide. This paper argues that the violent character of the Zimbabwean crisis is a result of a general mood of bitterness that had been building up for decades prior to the current crisis. That mood is traceable to the brutality of the liberation struggle and the bitterness continued in the early 1980s with the Matebeleland crisis, whose violent suppression raised bitter ethnic questions. The mood continued to thicken with the militarisation of Zimbabwean politics when the war veterans entered the political fray especially after the February 2000 constitutional reform referendum. Although Zimbabwe has had a multi-party system since 1980, the real contribution of past political parties, civil society and the international community in Zimbabwe’s democratic experiment has been lost in the rhetoric of violence of the last five years. The general mood of bitterness has made it impossible even for well meaning religious groups and concerned governments of neighbouring countries to negotiate a compromise political solution. Sections of the international media, human rights organisations and some Western diplomats, rather than helping to tone down the bitterness have increased tensions by employing the rhetoric of violence, even in the elections of March 2005, long after the conflicting parties had expressly and demonstrably abandoned …

Norman MlamboVolume 4 Number 2, Oct 2005, , , , , zimbabwe2005vol-4
An examination of the Role of the National Youth Service/Militia in Zimbabwe and its Effect on the Electoral Process, 2001-2005

What explains the re-emergence of the National Youth Service/Militia, launched in Zimbabwe in August 2001? This paper argues that, amid the intense political struggle between the ruling party and a largely worker- and urban-society-based political opposition, there was an urgent need to have in place a cheap and available institution that could be relied upon both to toe the party line religiously and to execute state supported extra-legal activities, including violence. The institution, drawn from the country’s earlier political history, was the Zimbabwe Peoples’ Militia, now reincarnated as the National Youth Service (NYS). This assertion is supported by the role and function of the NYS, deployed to ‘police’ the results of Operation Murambatsvina, the forced removal of the poor from the country’s urban centres, which has been universally condemned, even by the African Union. However, if this analysis is correct, post-crisis Zimbabwe will be faced with the challenge of having to put down the NYS, a situation similar to what happened in Malawi, towards the end of the reign of the late Malawian President, Kamuzu Banda, and his Young …

Martin R RupiyaVolume 4 Number 2, Oct 2005, , , zimbabwe2005 2001vol-4
JAE Volume 4 Number 2 Oct 2023 [Entire Journal, Special Issue on Zimbabwe’s 2005 General Election]

Volume 4 Number 2, Oct 20052005
Book Review: Zimbabwe: Injustice and Political Reconciliation

Volume 4 Number 2, Oct 20052005
Transitional Politics in the DRC: The Role of the Key Stakeholders
Transitional Politics in the DRC: The Role of the Key Stakeholders

Very few observers, either inside or outside the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), thought that when Joseph Kabila took over from his slain father he would, within a few years, mobilise the Congolese in a negotiation process that would create the best chance for peace and democracy in the country’s history. Political negotiation, which began in Lusaka in 1999 and was successfully concluded in South Africa in 2003 under the leadership of South African President Thabo Mbeki, blew gales of change into the DRC with major consequences for the country. The negotiation process has brought former belligerents together in a government of national unity and created a Parliament that has drafted and adopted the Constitution of the 3rd Republic. The country is now ready for its third democratic election in 44 years. But serious challenges remain before an election can be organised and bring sustainable peace to the …

Claude KabembaVolume 4 Number 1, Jun 2005, , , democratic-republic-of-congo-drc2005vol-4
Post-Election Prospects for Burundi
Post-Election Prospects for Burundi

Burundi has now held three elections in a bid to end the Transitional Government that has been ruling the country since 2002 following the signing of the Arusha Peace Agreement. It was not an easy task to hold elections in a war-torn country where no population census has been undertaken for decades and where scores of citizens do not have identity books. There was considerable uncertainty about how political parties would respond to the outcome of the elections since many of then had entered politics only a few months before and do not have a democratic culture. The success of the constitutional referendum on February 28 was put down to a lack of interest, with attention focused on the communal and legislative elections which were still to come. While the former was marked by some violence and contestation, the latter appeared even more challenging. Surprisingly, the legislative election went smoothly and now Burundi is poised to achieve a return to peace and stability. Yet there are problems the country has to tackle if peace is to last and national reconciliation become a …

Joseph TopanguVolume 4 Number 1, Jun 2005, , , , , , burundi2005vol-4
Multiparty Democracy and Elections in Namibia
Multiparty Democracy and Elections in Namibia

This paper examines the most recent round of elections in Namibia – those held in 2004. For those elections the Electoral Commission of Namibia (ECN) succeeded in reregistering almost one million voters, conducting by-elections, administering local, regional, national and presidential elections, as well as providing voter education at national and grassroots community levels. Of course the ECN did not complete these endeavours alone: the democratic process in Namibia is a cooperative (and sometimes competitive) effort between government, donors, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), civil society and political parties. In 2004 11 political parties were registered with the ECN – a high number for a country with only 977 742 registered voters. The major issues in the 2004 election were economic growth, poverty, unemployment, land reform, agriculture, infrastructure, the eradication of corruption, education, health care, social welfare, gender equality, good governance, moral values and HIV/AIDS. With all parties focusing on the same issues and in the absence of viable policy alternatives, ethnicity, liberation struggle credentials and individual personalities within and between parties play a role in voting …

Debie LeBeauVolume 4 Number 1, Jun 2005, , , , namibia2005vol-4
Malawi's 2004 Elections: A Challenge for Democracy
Malawi’s 2004 Elections: A Challenge for Democracy

There is a growing academic interest in the connection between elections and democratic governance in Southern Africa, and Africa as a whole (see, for example, Asmal and De Ville 1994; Hyden 1997; Harris and Reilly 1998; Brito 2003; Darga 2004; Makoa 2004 and 2005; Matlosa 2003a, 2003b, and 2005). Scholars agree unanimously that regular elections are an important measure of democratic governance, though they do not necessarily constitute democracy per se (see Nzongola-Ntalaja 1997).1 Periodic elections directly shape the nature of political representation by determining which groups and parties are included in political decision-making structures and institutions, and which are not. 2 They are a means of popular intervention and participation in the political process, hence they contribute to the entrenchment of democracy (Makoa 2005), while, at the same time, influencing ‘fair’ or ‘unfair’ representation of political groups in representative bodies. Elections are a key mechanism through which the public can influence the political process and keep public office holders in regular and periodic check. They provide opportunities for the electorate to make a retrospective assessment of government’s (as well as the opposition’s) performance, and exercise some degree of control over their representatives (Dulani 2005). The holding of periodic elections therefore provides a link between democratic politics and the public interest by ensuring that politicians, who claim to represent and speak for the public, are ultimately judged by the same public (Schumpeter 1942). However, it must be emphasised that elections, on their own, do not constitute democracy. They are simply among the major hallmarks of democratic politics (Przeworski et al 1996). Reducing democracy to elections would amount to what Larry Diamond (1996) calls the ‘fallacy of electoralism’. This paper discusses elections and democratic governance in Malawi. It joins Robin Luckham and others (2003) who argue that although there have been numerous benefits of democratic transition there are, at the same time, some major ‘democratic deficits’ (see also Matlosa 2005). The paper argues that one of these deficits relates to the management of the electoral process, and others to the effects of the electoral event on democratic governance. The Malawi case is an example of these …

Wiseman Chijere ChirwaVolume 4 Number 1, Jun 2005, , , , , , , , malawi2005 2004vol-4
Justice and Electoral Disputes In Mozambique
Justice and Electoral Disputes In Mozambique

A doctrinal practical study of the Mozambican electoral dispute procedure reveals some specific characteristics. Firstly, there is no precise correspondence between the procedure and electoral jurisdiction; what characterises the Mozambican electoral dispute procedure is the diversity of the procedures within the electoral process. Secondly, the dispute procedures are integrated because they cover pre-election and post-election disputes simultaneously. Thirdly, the structure is that of administrative dispute procedure. Finally, the authority of the electoral judge is an aggregate of both the control of the regularity of electoral procedures and the control of the veracity of the elections. Delicate questions, such as the scope of the powers of the Constitutional Council, the confirmation or not of the ‘principle of sua sponte examination or evidentiary inquiry’ and the position of the Constitutional Council in relation to the correction of the election results are still …

Gilles CistacVolume 4 Number 1, June 2005, , , , mozambique2005vol-4
The Formation, Collapse and Revival of Political Party Coalitions in Mauritius: Ethnic Logic and Calculation at Play
The Formation, Collapse and Revival of Political Party Coalitions in Mauritius: Ethnic Logic and Calculation at Play

Coalitions and alliances are a regular feature of the Mauritian political landscape. The eight post-independence general elections have all been marked by electoral accords where those expecting to retain power or those aspiring to be in power hedge their bets by forming alliances with partners that ensure that they will be elected. Another fascinating feature is that, apart from that in 1976, all these coalitions have been formed before the election, allowing each party leader to engage in a series of tactical and bargaining strategies to ensure that his party gets a fair deal and, more recently, an equal deal, where the alliance partners shared the post of Prime Minister. The purpose of this paper is to shed some light on this under researched area and to offer some explanation of the different mechanisms that …

Denis K Kadima and Roukaya KasenallyVolume 4 Number 1, Jun 2005, , , , , , , mauritius2005vol-4
The Electoral Reform Process in Mauritius
The Electoral Reform Process in Mauritius

This paper confirms the reputation of Mauritius as a stable country with a well entrenched multiparty democracy and parliamentary system, which, however, need deepening. Independent institutions as well as fair, transparent and credible election management processes ensure trust both internally and from external observers in Mauritian democracy and the credibility of the parliamentary and executive selection process. However, the paper also brings to light the shortcomings, acknowledged by the Mauritian stakeholders themselves, of the electoral system which, while it can claim to have provided adequate comfort to the country’s pluriethnic society and to have ensured the stability of the governance system is deficient in promoting adequate gender representation and a fairer distribution of parliamentary representation consonant with the voters’ will. The attempt to reform the system is explained as are the reasons why the reform process is still …

L Amédée DargaVolume 4 Number 1, Jun 2005, , , , mauritius2005vol-4
JAE Volume 4 Number 1 Jun 2005 [Entire Journal]
JAE Volume 4 Number 1 Jun 2005 [Entire Journal]

Volume 4 Number 1, June 20052005
Botswana's 2004 Elections: Free and Fair?
Botswana’s 2004 Elections: Free and Fair?

The paper analyses the freeness and fairness of Botswana’s 2004 elections. It argues that although Botswana’s multiparty democracy has lasted longer than any other in Africa its elections are free but not very fair. The fairness of Botswana’s elections has been an issue of controversy that has led to calls from the opposition for political reform. The problem lies in the fact that the election system, the electoral body and the political field work to the advantage of the party in power. The paper concludes that until these issues are addressed, the fairness of Botswana’s elections will remain …

Bertha Z Osei-Hwedie and David SebudubuduVolume 4 Number 1, Jun 2005, , , , botswana2005 2004vol-4
Book Review: State of the Nation South Africa 2004-2005
Book Review: State of the Nation South Africa 2004-2005

Bertha ChiroroVolume 4 Number 1, Jun 20052005 2004
The 2005 Lesotho Local Government Elections: Implications for Development and Governance
The 2005 Lesotho Local Government Elections: Implications for Development and Governance

In April 2005 Lesotho held its first democratic local government elections since attaining political independence from Britain in 1966. Thus, over the past four decades, the country has used various unelected interim structures to carry out development activities countrywide; structures which were not built on democratic foundations. Consequently there are, understandably, high expectations for the new local government structures put in place through the April election. The Ministry of Local Government, charged with the responsibility for implementing local government in Lesotho, worked jointly with the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) to manage and administer the elections. Both worked in earnest to take care of the logistical arrangements throughout all the stages of the election: pre-election, polling and post-election. One component of the vigorous debate that marked the election revolved around the fact that a proportion of the electoral divisions was reserved for women only, with a view to enhancing gender equality in the decisionmaking and development processes. Controversial as it proved to be from a legal point of view, politically this is a progressive step that conforms with the purpose of developmental local government, which is that of service delivery through active participation by all sectors of the community. This paper looks at the Lesotho local government elections and their implications for development and governance. The paper expresses the view that elections are not an occasion but part of the process towards sustainable development and democratic consolidation. Elections are, therefore, not an end in themselves but a means to an end: that end being development and …

Victor ShaleVolume 4 Number 1, June 2005, , , , lesotho2005vol-4
JAE Volume 3 Number 2, Dec 2004 [Entire Journal: Special Issue: South African Elections, 2004]
JAE Volume 3 Number 2, Dec 2004 [Entire Journal: Special Issue: South African Elections, 2004]

Volume 3 Number 2, December 20042004
Under Strain: The Racial/ Ethnic Interpretation of South Africa's 2004 Election
Under Strain: The Racial/ Ethnic Interpretation of South Africa’s 2004 Election

An analytical framework that emphasises race and ethnicity has come to dominate post-apartheid electoral studies. In this view, race and ethnicity are regarded as primary analytical variables in explaining voting behaviour and are taken to be crucial in influencing the strategy and tactics of political parties. In this framework, South African society is considered to be characterised by such serious and insoluble racial and ethnic divisions that the prospects for democratic consolidation are imperilled. Most explanations of voting behaviour and party politics in the 1994 and 1999 elections were based on this interpretation. The argument advanced in this paper is that such focus is misguided and flawed. It shows, through a reading and interpretation of the 2004 election, that this approach is limited. For there is emerging empirical evidence – revealed by the 2004 election – that race and ethnicity do not play a central role in explaining voting behaviour and the performance of parties. Thus the arguments embodied within the racial/ethnic view threaten democratic …

Thabisi HoeaneVolume 3 Number 2, Dec 2004, , , , , , south-africa2004vol-3
The turnover of power in KwaZulu-Natal
The turnover of power in KwaZulu-Natal

The 2004 South African election culminated in a turnover of power in the province of KwaZulu-Natal. The province, formerly governed by the IFP, was won by the ANC. Various theories have been put forward to explain the IFP’s loss and the ANC’s consequent victory in KwaZulu-Natal. The IFP believes its loss has to do with the ANC’s determination to win the province while the ANC puts its victory down to having been able to permeate IFP strongholds and increase its percentage of the vote in rural KwaZulu-Natal. Other factors, too, may well have contributed to the turnover of power in the province. These include the IFP’s inability to shed its Zulu nationalist image, decreased levels of violence, and higher standards of election monitoring. While the ANC’s eventual control of all the provinces is viewed in some circles as a sign of a party-dominant democracy, the peaceful turnover of power (albeit at a provincial level) may be interpreted as a positive step towards democratic consolidation in South …

Shauna MottiarVolume 3 Number 2, Dec 2004, , , , , south-africa2004vol-3
Post-Election South Africa: The Continuing Case for Electoral Reform
Post-Election South Africa: The Continuing Case for Electoral Reform

In May 2002, the South African government appointed an Electoral Task Team (ETT), headed by Dr Frederick Van Zyl Slabbert and composed of a mix of academics, lawyers, electoral specialists and senior officials of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), to consider the case for reform of the country’s proportional representation (PR) electoral system. The latter had provided the framework for the highly successful conduct of South Africa’s first two democratic elections in 1994 and 1999, yet the country’s final Constitution (promulgated in 1996) had dictated that the electoral system should be reviewed, with the proviso that any change would result ‘in general’ in proportional representation. In the event, the ETT submitted a majority report that recommended adoption of a Mixed Member Proportional Representation system (MMP) (although the report did not call it that) and a minority report that favoured retention of the existing national list system of PR. The government responded by accepting the recommendation of the minority report, ensuring that the 2004 general election would be conducted along exactly the same lines as the two previous elections, although recommending that further consideration be given by the new Parliament to electoral system change. Consequently, now that the African National Congress (ANC) has been returned to power with an increased, and overwhelming, majority it is appropriate not only to consider anew the case for electoral reform but to assess the political dynamics which would appear to determine its …

Roger SouthallVolume 3 Number 2, Dec 2004, , , , , , south-africa2004vol-3
Political Party Funding in the 2004 Election
Political Party Funding in the 2004 Election

The paper concentrates on public funding of political parties during the 2004 general election. The fact that no regulatory framework exists for private funding is detrimental to the proper regulation of public funding so the Institute for Democracy in South Africa has launched a court action to compel parties to disclose their private sources. International experiences and comparisons are used as a point of reference to analyse the South African situation. South Africa’s framework for party funding consists of the African Union and Southern African Development Community agreements, the Public Funding of Represented Political Parties Act and its Regulation, and the Electoral Code of Conduct. South African parties represented in the national and provincial legislatures are funded on the basis of a formula consisting of proportional and equitable components by a fund appropriated mainly by Parliament and managed by the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC). The parties’ accountability to the IEC is hampered by a lack of statutory …

Dirk KotzéVolume 3 Number 2, Dec 2004, , , , , , , , , , , , south-africa2004vol-3
The Election Result and its Implications for Political Party Configuration
The Election Result and its Implications for Political Party Configuration

As a competition for both popular support and political office, Election 2004 deepened the dominant-party system in South Africa. In terms of support, the African National Congress (ANC) did better than ever. Indeed, its leadership seemed more concerned about internal left-wing politics than about rival parties. Conversely, with the partial exception of the Democratic Alliance (DA), opposition parties did worse, and appear stuck in a zero-sum competition amongst themselves. In terms of office, ANC popularity meant greater national power and, for the first time, control of all provinces. Further, Election 2004 revealed that the more the ANC cooperates with its alliance partners the better it does at the polls, and the more influence the Congress Of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu)/South African Communist Party (SACP) have over policy. For opposition parties this dynamic is reversed. Those parties which co-operated with the ANC to get office lost popular support, while those which eschewed office did better at the polls. In sum, while popularity and office are mutually reinforcing for the alliance, they constitute a dilemma for opposition parties. Finally, while there are signs that broader social change will pose some class-related problems for the ANC, more profound racial obstacles await opposition parties. All this suggests that ANC dominance will grow still further in …

Laurence PiperVolume 3 Number 2, Dec 2004south-africa2004vol-3
JAE Volume 3 Number 2, Dec 2004 [Special Issue, South African Elections, 2004: Entire Journal]
JAE Volume 3 Number 2, Dec 2004 [Special Issue, South African Elections, 2004: Entire Journal]

Volume 3 Number 2, Dec 20042004
The Dominant Party System: Challenges for South Africa's Second Decade of Democracy
The Dominant Party System: Challenges for South Africa’s Second Decade of Democracy

The existence of a dominant-party system in South Africa has raised growing concerns over its implications for the consolidation of democracy. This paper argues that while there appears to be no real threat to democracy in South Africa it does face several challenges, and successful democratic consolidation will depend upon alertness to signs of undemocratic practices associated with dominant-party systems. It is crucial to ensure that government remains accountable to its citizens. The ANC has demonstrated commitment to democratic principles and there remains sufficient debate and activism within society to keep a check on authoritarian tendencies. However, South African politics is characterised by weak opposition parties that continue to be associated with racial identity and hold little credibility amongst the electorate. South Africans also continue to vote in racial blocs, and the existence of a dominant party and a weak opposition has resulted in emerging voter apathy and withdrawal amongst some sections of the electorate. If the opposition is to fulfil its role in safeguarding accountability and democratic practice it must regain credibility and break away from racial politics to appeal to the African community. Civil society’s role in ensuring government accountability is also pivotal, particularly in the absence of a strong political opposition. The left-wing members of the ANC and its allies face similar challenges – they must work to retain their leverage and political influence within the Tripartite …

Heidi BrooksVolume 3 Number 2, Dec 2004south-africa2004vol-3
Democracy, HIV/Aids and Citizen Participation: Focus on the 2004 Election
Democracy, HIV/Aids and Citizen Participation: Focus on the 2004 Election

While debate about the impact of HIV/AIDS on socio-economic development has been rife and robust, the political discourse around the pandemic has tended somehow to lag far behind. It is now well established that HIV/AIDS represents not only a health catastrophe but, primarily, a development crisis. Yet only recently have we come to accept that the epidemic is, in fact, a governance crisis too. Much as the epidemic tends to have adverse effects on socio-economic development, it also has deleterious effects on democratic governance. This article thus teases out the possible impact of the HIV/AIDS epidemic on democracy, specifically focusing on citizen participation in South Africa. Within this discourse I deal with the extent to which we can explain voter participation trends between the 1994 and 2004 South African elections as informed, in part, by the debilitating effect of HIV/AIDS on both infected and affected citizens. If this is correct, HIV/AIDS is surely contributing to one of the dangers (or deficits) of modern democracy, namely voter …

Khabele MatlosaVolume 3 Number 2, Dec 2004, , , , , south-africa2004vol-3
Book Review: Contemporary South Africa
Book Review: Contemporary South Africa

Volume 3 Number 2, Dec 20042004
The ANC After the 2004 Election
The ANC After the 2004 Election

In the 2004 election the ANC obtained a larger share of the vote than ever before – nearly 70 per cent. About 200 000 more people voted for it than had in 1999, despite a decline in overall turnout. In 2004, the ANC’s gains were concentrated chiefly in the Transkei, in the Western Cape and in rural KwaZulu-Natal. It obtained more than 270 000 fewer votes in Gauteng, though, despite a likely increase of about 20 per cent in the population of the province. These statistics are revealing because they offer useful indications of the ways in which the ANC has changed since its accession to power. Moreover, as the ANC’s political base shifts geographically and alters sociologically, we can also discern trends that may offer pointers to the party’s …

Tom LodgeVolume 3 Number 2, Dec 2004, , , , south-africa2004vol-3
Zimbabwe: Constitutionalism, the Electoral System and Challenges for Governance and Stability
Zimbabwe: Constitutionalism, the Electoral System and Challenges for Governance and Stability

In February 2000 Zimbabweans went to the polls to vote on a draft constitution for their country. The draft contained some important provisions for, amongst other things, the reform of the country’s electoral system. The draft was rejected and a bitter general election campaign ensued in the second quarter of 2000. The general election held in June 2000 and the presidential election in March 2002 were the most violent in Zimbabwe’s electoral history. These developments raise significant questions relating to constitutionalism and the electoral process in Zimbabwe. They were an admission that both constitutional and electoral reforms were imperative and, indeed, overdue. A state-appointed Constitutional Commission (CC) was set up in 1999 after a civil society-driven one, the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), had been founded earlier in 1998. In particular, the political developments since 2000 have highlighted the need to address the increasing deficit in democratic governance and stability in Zimbabwe. This paper attempts to assess critically developments relating to constitutionalism and the electoral system, the links between them, and their significance for governance and …

Lloyd M SachikonyeVolume 3 Number 1, Jun 2004, , , , , zimbabwe2004vol-3
Traditional and Modern Political Systems in Contemporary Governance in Africa
Traditional and Modern Political Systems in Contemporary Governance in Africa

This paper analyses the role of traditional and modern institutions of governance in contemporary Africa. It examines the traditional institutions in their historical setting and the way in which they negotiated with the modern political arrangements under colonialism and later during the post-independence period. Both the colonial and postcolonial authorities viewed traditional political institutions with disgust and suspicion, seeing them as backward vestiges of the past, but also as possible competitors for colonial and post-colonial political power. This uneasiness was ameliorated somewhat under the colonial system by the introduction of ‘indirect rule’ and the use of ‘customary law’ under ‘Native Authorities’, which were used as a neo-traditional colonial policy control mechanisms. Under the post-independence political order, traditional political institutions were either banned or tolerated to the extent that they were retained only as ‘cultural’ institutions. In Swaziland the neo-traditional colonial system came to dominate the modern party system and in Lesotho the traditional system existed side by side with the modern political party democracy. In Buganda and Ashanti the neotraditional systems were marginalised and banned.With the crisis of the African postcolonial states and the tendency towards presidentialism, there has been a resurgence of traditional political institutions in a number of countries. The result has been an attempt on the part of the political elite to adopt a conciliatory attitude towards them, while at the same time, using state patronage to woo them and make them part and parcel of the contemporary political party system as ‘cultural’ institutions. Such is the case in South Africa, Uganda and, to some extent, Lesotho. The real question is to what extent the traditional political systems can be reconciled with the modern political party system and to what extent these institutions can help heal the wounds of ethnic divisions and conflicts on the continent. This paperwill try to provide some theoretical and practical approaches to how cultural identities and the institutions they represent can become the basis of new forms of African state formations under the African …

Oani W NabudereVolume 3 Number 1, Jun 2004, , , , botswana nigeria somalia swaziland2004vol-3
Post-Conflict Elections, Peacebuilding and Democracy Consolidation in Sierra Leone
Post-Conflict Elections, Peacebuilding and Democracy Consolidation in Sierra Leone

The viability of long-term peace and prospects for the consolidation of democracy in Sierra Leone is dependent on a number of internal and external factors. After two successful elections since the end of conflict in 2002, it is fair to suggest that the country is on the path of consolidating ‘democratic gains’. A third successful multiparty election, in 2007, would go a long way to affirming the notion that Sierra Leoneans are becoming comfortable with the idea of electing their representatives through competitive …

Abdul Rahman LaminVolume 3 Number 1, Jun 2004, , , , sierra-leone2004vol-3
Party Systems in the SADC Region: In Defence of the Dominant Party System
Party Systems in the SADC Region: In Defence of the Dominant Party System

In the past ten years or so the process of democratisation in emerging democracies has continued to face numerous and persistent challenges. The most pertinent of these is the rapid movement towards one-party dominant political systems. This phenomenon has been observed by scholars who have administered a series of tests to determine the possibility of democratic consolidation. This paper makes a detailed study of the detrimental implications of dominant party systems. It also explains the distinguishing features between a de jure and a de facto dominant party system using examples from the SADC region. The paper, however, argues that although dominance is, in many instances, created by forms of coercion and electoral manipulation, there are some parameters of politics that do indeed aid dominance in democratically acceptable ways. The paper addresses five basic types of parameters, examines the ways in which they function and discusses their relevance in terms of aiding dominance democratically. The central argument maintains that certain dominant party systems can function within and respect the essential parameters of constitutional democracy. That said, a number of important political questions must be addressed about what such dominance means to the future prospects for democracy in these …

Shumbana KarumeVolume 3 Number 1, Jun 2004, , , botswana lesotho mozambique namibia south-africa swaziland2004vol-3
Making Democracy Work in Africa: From the Institutional to the Substantive
Making Democracy Work in Africa: From the Institutional to the Substantive

This paper argues that democracy can better facilitate and promote development when it is transformed from the institutional level, where it was at the time of transition, to the substantive level, where it is more likely to yield the ‘dividends of democracy’ and become more relevant to the lives of ordinary citizens. This transformative process at a minimum requires the institutionalisation of participation/citizen empowerment, accountability and legitimacy. After making the point that democracy and development are mutually reinforcing, the paper examines how human rights and elections can be strengthened to serve …

Eghosa E OsaghaeVolume 3 Number 1, June 2004, , , , , , nigeria2004vol-3
Local Elections in the SADC Countries: A Comparative Analysis of Local Electoral Institutions
Local Elections in the SADC Countries: A Comparative Analysis of Local Electoral Institutions

With the recent wave of democratisation in Sub-Saharan Africa a new interest has emerged in elected local councils. The importance of elected local governments in promoting democracy is now emphasised by both national actors and the international community. It is also increasingly underlined by research, both from the field of development theory/politics and from comparative research on democratisation processes. These broader arguments are narrowed down by concentrating on local electoral rules. This contribution presents data for all Southern African countries on the types of elected bodies at sub-national level of government, the composition of local councils, the regularity and simultaneity of local and national elections, the electoral systems and the rules governing candidature at the local level. Electoral rules are just one set of institutions that matter in local politics, and there is no doubt that other variables (such as local administration, resource allocation or capacity-building) are equally important. But the assumption is that local electoral institutions are relevant for the democratisation of both local and national politics, and thus merit closer scrutiny. The comparative study of different countries offers additional insights into similarities or specific constraints and problems that countries face in organising local elections, as well as into the institutional solutions that they eventually opt for. The paper also explores some likely consequences and impacts of these (differing) rules on the respective political processes of these countries, and subsequently highlights several issues that may be of relevance to broader arguments about the viability and consolidation of democratic politics in the region, at both local and national …

Christof HartmannVolume 3 Number 1, Jun 2004, , , , angola botswana mozambique namibia south-africa swaziland2004vol-3
Governance and Human Rights in the SADC Region
Governance and Human Rights in the SADC Region

Central to the process of the institutionalisation of democratic governance in Southern Africa is the extent to which a human rights culture and practice are embedded within the current political landscape. There are numerous international human rights instruments to which Southern African states are party. But it is one thing to sign and ratify these international conventions and quite another to domesticate them and translate them into the living experience of the peoples of the region. This is the area in which the centrality of a parliament in inculcating a democratic culture and practice is useful. The institutionalisation and entrenchment of a culture of human rights obviously demands, among other things, that political tolerance exists and that institutions of democracy such as the parliament play their rightful role. It is essentially within the legislature that ruling and opposition parties engage closely and such engagement may provide a measure of whether or not democracy in a given country is vibrant and robust enough to ensure a human rights culture and practice. This paper teases out this complex problem and other related issues such as gender equality, the role of the youth and the place of the media and civil society, with a special focus on the Southern African …

Chaloka BeyaniVolume 3 Number 1, Jun 2004, , , angola lesotho mozambique namibia south-africa swaziland zambia2004vol-3
JAE Volume 3 Number 1 June 2004 [Entire Journal]
JAE Volume 3 Number 1 June 2004 [Entire Journal]

Volume 3 Number 1, Jun 20042004
The Dominance of the Swazi Monarchy and the Moral Dynamics of Democratisation of the Swazi State
The Dominance of the Swazi Monarchy and the Moral Dynamics of Democratisation of the Swazi State

The struggle for independence in Swaziland contended with two important dynamics: (i) the emerging new ideology of party politics in Africa largely patterned after the Westminster model of parliamentary democracy; (ii) the ideology of traditionalism that centred all contestation of political power on the monarchy. I observe that over the years the dominant philosophical framework in Swaziland has been that all constitutional initiatives should take due regard of the history, culture, traditions and way of life of the Swazi people. While the need to harmonise traditional sensibilities with modern principles of constitutional and international law is underscored, there is no political will to forge such harmony. In the light of the historical processes that have taken place since the 1960s I argue that the ideology of traditionalism is under threat. Kingship as an institution is also threatened as calls for genuine democratisation of the Swazi state are made both from within and from without, in the latter case by the community of nations. I conclude by suggesting that unless adjustments are made to both the traditional and the modern political structures, Swaziland will continue to be a security risk in the Southern Africa region. It is imperative, therefore, to shift tradition from being an ideology of domination to one of a shared value system in a transitory state guided by the realities of a modern democratic …

Joshua Bheki MziziVolume 3 Number 1, Jun 2004, , , , , , swaziland2004vol-3
The Broader Context: Mainstreaming Gender in Public Institutions of Governance and Democracy
The Broader Context: Mainstreaming Gender in Public Institutions of Governance and Democracy

The theme of the workshop was democratic values, processes and institutions and my paper addresses gender mainstreaming, equal and effective participation of women and men in democratic processes, and the methods of ensuring genuine and effective partnership between them. The paper specifically addresses the following question: How can Government, Opposition and Parliament ensure that all their activities are characterised by gender sensitivity, full and equal participation of both women and men in the democratic process and (ensure) a genuine and effective partnership between them? Gender mainstreaming, equality, parity, equity and sensitivity are social justice concerns and for democracy and human rights to thrive it is essential that these concerns be effectively addressed. There cannot be democracy and genuine partnership between women and men if there is no equality and mutual respect founded on the above …

Koki MuliVolume 3 Number 1, Jun 2004, , , , , , , kenya2004vol-3
Book Reviews: South Africa's Second Democratic Election 1999: An Annotated Bibliography & From Cape Town To Congo: Southern Africa Involving Security Challenges
Book Reviews: South Africa’s Second Democratic Election 1999: An Annotated Bibliography & From Cape Town To Congo: Southern Africa Involving Security Challenges

Marlene Burger & Claude KabembaVolume 3 Number 1, Jun 20042004
Nigeria: Can the election tribunals satisfactorily resolve the disputes arising out of the 2003 elections?
Nigeria: Can the election tribunals satisfactorily resolve the disputes arising out of the 2003 elections?

Between April and May 2003 Nigeria held general elections to elect the country’s President, state governors, and members of legislative houses at both national and state levels. The first election, held on 12 April 2003, was for National Assembly (the federal legislative house) members. This was followed by the presidential and governorship elections on 19 April 2003. Two dates – 26 and 29 April 2003 – were set aside for possible run-off elections (which did not happen). The last election, on 3 May 2003, was for members of the state houses of assembly (INEC 2003). In all, 30 political parties contested the election, although not all the parties fielded candidates for all the political offices. Remarkably, the 2003 elections were the first since the return to constitutionalrule on 29 May 1999, after many years of military dictatorship. As will be seen below, many observers and commentators (both national and international) have condemned the elections for what some have called massive electoral frauds and malpractices. It was alleged that in many places in the country there was virtually no voting, yet ‘results’ were declared by the Independent National …

Kaniye S A EbekuVolume 2 number 2, June 2003, , , , nigeria2003vol-2
Missing Cadres? List Voting and the ANC's Management of its Parliamentarians in the National Assembly, 1999-2003
Missing Cadres? List Voting and the ANC’s Management of its Parliamentarians in the National Assembly, 1999-2003

The party list system of voting can give a dominant party undue influence over its parliamentary members, critics say, instancing the practices of the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa’s National Assembly. The party has defended its use of the system and the ‘redeployments’ it permits as necessary to its program of reconstruction; claiming a right to use scarce human resources, including parliamentarians, in new positions as circumstances change. Since 1999 the Assembly has seen high rates of turnover and deployments of varying character, and the evidence suggests that the management of its parliamentary members challenges the capacity of the ANC. Lines of gender and provincial representation structure the party’s choices, raising issues of representation and accountability. A review of the careers of the sixty members who ceased to be members of the Assembly after the election of 1999 shows that the list system is only one factor to be considered in assessing the internal democracy of the ANC and its policies in Parliament and in …

Geoffrey HawkerVolume 2 number 2, Jun 2003, , , south-africa2003vol-2
Legitimising Electoral Process: The Role of Kenya Domestic Observation Programme (K-DOP)* in Kenya's 2002 General Elections
Legitimising Electoral Process: The Role of Kenya Domestic Observation Programme (K-DOP)* in Kenya’s 2002 General Elections

The past two decades have seen a movement in Africa from authoritarian regimes toward popular democracy through electoral rule. Local and international election observation is now a common practice in almost all elections that take place on the continent. Elections must be free, fair and meaningful and must be perceived to give legitimacy to the incumbent government. It has been suggested by various analysts and commentators that Africa, and groups within the democratic polity, should accept as a crucial component of the continental democratisation process the important role of domestic election observation in ensuring electoral legitimacy, fairness, and popular acceptance of election result (Abbink, 2000; Von Cranenburgh, 2000; Mair 1999). Implicit in this statement are several assumptions about domestic observer groups: that they are non-partisan and are experienced in the conduct of election observation; that they operate within an acceptable code of conduct; that they have a clearly defined notion and understanding of ‘free and fair elections’ and that they have the necessary technical and administrative capacity to observe the entire election process (before, during and after). If this proposition is to be acceptable as a political canon in a democratisation project on the continent it is vital that it be subjected to critical scrutiny and empirical verification. In this context K-DOP has played a legitimising role in helping foster democracy at a very sensitive and delicate trajectory in Kenya’s political history, resulting from the changed nature of partisan competition, particularly at a time when there were high hopes for regime …

Wole OlaleyeVolume 2 number 2, Jun 2003, , , , kenya2003 2002vol-2
Factional Intrigues and Alliance Politics: The Case of NARC in Kenya's 2002 Elections
Factional Intrigues and Alliance Politics: The Case of NARC in Kenya’s 2002 Elections

Kenya’s 2002 elections were politically momentous. The new government, made up of coalition forces, has not only paved the way for a new political dispensation that analysts anticipate will set off Kenya’s much needed economic and political reconstruction (Barkan 2003), but most importantly it provides some important lessons for the study of coalition formations in politics. For one, it demonstrated to opposition parties elsewhere in Africa what can be achieved by standing together. The formation of the National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) was not a new phenomenon in Kenyan politics. A look at the country’s political history reveals a pattern of political coalitions over the years, made up not only of selected individuals co-opted by then President Daniel arap Moi to serve in his administration, but of political parties uniting for private interests. The formation of NARC, however, is more than short-term political manoeuvring, it was an unprecedented assembly of most of the main opposition parties, with the intention of ousting the Kenya African National Union (KANU) once and for all. As a result, an investigation of both its formation and governing performance six months after the elections seems …

Shumbana KarumeVolume 2 number 2, Jun 2003, , , , , , , , kenya2003 2002vol-2
The Electoral System and Conflict in Mozambique
The Electoral System and Conflict in Mozambique

Luís de BritoVolume 2 Number 2, Jun 2003, , , , , , , , mozambique2003vol-2
Elections in Nigeria: Is the Third Time a Charm?
Elections in Nigeria: Is the Third Time a Charm?

The April 2003 elections in Nigeria, the first civilian administered elections to take place in two decades, were hailed as the largest in African history and are surely a major milestone for both the country and the continent. Although they were marred by serious irregularities they were historic – instead of a military coup, a civilian government was to be succeeded by another civilian government. President Olusegun Obasanjo won with 62 per cent of the vote, and his party scored huge victories in the National Assembly and the State Assembly elections. In the face of predictions of violence, Nigerians defied the odds and went to the polls peacefully in most parts of the country. Turnout was high, and there also appeared to be a respectable geographic spread of the winning party’s base of support. But these encouraging facts and other optimistic assessments of the elections offer only superficial portraits of an outcome that remains far more …

A Carl Levan, Titi Pitso, Bodunrin AdeboVolume 2 number 2, Jun 2003, , nigeria2003vol-2
JAE Volume 2 number 2, June 2003 [Entire Journal]
JAE Volume 2 number 2, June 2003 [Entire Journal]

Volume 2 number 2, Jun 20032003
Book Reviews: Compendium of Elections in Southern Africa; One Woman, One Vote: The Gender Politics of South African Elections and Security and Politics in South Africa: The Regional Dimension
Book Reviews: Compendium of Elections in Southern Africa; One Woman, One Vote: The Gender Politics of South African Elections and Security and Politics in South Africa: The Regional Dimension

Volume 2 number 2, Jun 20032003
Adapting to Electoral System Change: Voters in Lesotho, 2002
Adapting to Electoral System Change: Voters in Lesotho, 2002

On 25 May 2002 voters in the small Southern African kingdom of Lesotho went to the polls in the third general election since the country returned to democracy after a long period of civilian dictatorship (1970-86) and military rule (1986-93). Although voting in all Lesotho’s general elections has usually gone smoothly, in every case prior to 2002 the results have been challenged, with varying degrees of severity, by the losing parties (Weisfelder 1999, pp 109-32). This occurred most notably in 1970, when the ruling Basotho National Party (BNP) lost the election but overrode the result; and subsequently in 1998, when the BNP – now in opposition – had been at the core of an alliance of electoral losers who, in the months that followed and enjoying the quiet support of the security forces, so paralysed the capital that a powerless government felt constrained to call for external assistance to restore order. The result was military intervention by South Africa and Botswana (acting on behalf of the Southern African Development Community (SADC)); the restoration of the ruling Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) to power; and an extended period when, backed by South African muscle, long overdue reforms of the military and police were matched by difficult negotiations among the various political parties concerning the adoption of a new electoral system. The eventual outcome was the decision to move Lesotho away from the plurality (first-past-the-post) system inherited from Britain at independence (and which in 1993 and 1998 had provided highly imbalanced results favouring the winning party) towards a Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) …

Roddy Fox and Roger SouthallJAE Volume 2 number 2, June 2003, , , , , lesotho2003 2002vol-2
La Guerre, la Paix et la Democratie au Congo
La Guerre, la Paix et la Democratie au Congo

Quelle est la nature du conflit armé en République démocratique du Congo? S’agitil d’une guerre civile, comme les médias internationaux persistent et signent ou avons-nous affaire à une guerre d’agression extérieure, comme l’affirment les autorités de Kinshasa et les patriotes congolais? Indépendamment de la position qu’on prendrait vis-à-vis du régime instauré par Laurent-Désiré Kabila au Congo, force est de reconnaître le bien-fondé de sa position, d’autant plus que les groupements rebelles ont été mis sur pied après l’invasion du pays par le Rwanda et l’Ouganda le 2 août 1998. Ainsi, devrons-nous, pour mieux répondre à la question posée ci-dessus, pouvoir dire pourquoi la guerre perdure depuis 1998. Qu’est-ce qui a perturbé la paix au Congo? Comment se fait-il qu’un pays aux dimensions continentales soit envahi, occupé et pillé par des Etats lilliputiens comme le Rwanda, l’Ouganda et le Burundi? En bref, la réponse à la question principale passe forcément par l’élucidation de ces questions secondaires. Par conséquent, nous devons remonter aux origines et aux causes lointaines de la guerre des Grands Lacs pour amorcer les perspectives de l’instauration de la paix et de la démocratie au Congo. Avant donc d’examiner celles-ci, nous devons analyser les facteurs ayant plongé le pays dans la crise actuelle. Ceux-ci sont au nombre de trois: l’effondrement de l’Etat sous le poids de la corruption du régime Mobutu; le génocide rwandais et ses répercussions dans la région; et les visées expansionnistes du Rwanda et de l’Ouganda. Nous verrons ensuite ce qu’on peut espérer obtenir du processus de paix en cours et comment nous pouvons remettre sur les rails le processus de démocratisation intérrompu en …

Georges Nzongola-NtalajaVolume 2 number 1, Apr 2003, , , , democratic-republic-of-congo-drc2003vol-2
Problematique du Dénombrement et de L'identification Démographique Pre-Electoraux
Problematique du Dénombrement et de L’identification Démographique Pre-Electoraux

Voici bientôt une décennie au cours de laquelle la RDC, s’active sans trop de bonheur, à travers ses forces vives, dans les démarches en vue d’implanter en son sein, une société démocratique véritablement pluraliste, plusieurs problèmes et considérations sous-tendant ces démarches dont ceux touchant les élections démocratiques perçues comme meilleure méthode de conquête de pouvoir. On peut vouloir aborder les problèmes et l’organisation des élections démocratiques sans faire allusion au nombre des personnes habitant le territoire congolais en général et de la population concernée par les élections en particulier. Il se fait qu’aujourd’hui la RDC ne dispose pas d’informations dignes de foi sur la population, tout sur son effectif, sa structure par âge et par sexe et que sur sa répartition sur territoire. Le dernier état des lieux sur les statistiques socio-démographiques congolaises effectuées par l’Institut National de la Statistique (INS) pour la période 1995-2000, indique que les statistiques et indicateurs répertoriés sur la population sont dans l’ensemble, soit d’une couverture administrative limitée, c’est-à-dire ne couvrant par toutes les entités politico-administratives, soient peu fiables, soient enfin obsolètes(2) à tel enseigne qu’il faut, dans l’état où elles se trouvent, éviter de les utiliser pour préparer, organiser et gérer les prochaines opérations électorales que tous voudraient transparentes et …

Arsene Waka-SakriniVolume 2 number 1, Apr 2003democratic-republic-of-congo-drc2003vol-2
Intra-Party Democracy and the Inclusion Of Women
Intra-Party Democracy and the Inclusion Of Women

The inclusion of women in decision-making is a fundamental human right and an issue of social justice. There can be no democracy where ‘decisions about changing the lives of people are taken without the participation of more than half of the very lives that have to be changed. It cannot be participatory democracy when decisions are taken by some on behalf of others’ (Mtintso 1997). Further, it has been argued that the participation of women in leadership positions has brought about ‘another perspective’ and resulted in increased focus, attention and allocation of resources to life quality issues such as health and education. The participation of women has been credited with bringing about a qualitative transformation of institutions, laws and policies (Molokomme 2001a). As Zofia Kuratowska, Deputy Speaker of the Polish Senate, noted ‘nobody with common sense can doubt that the participation of women in the political decision-making process should be comparable to [that of] men’. With that as background, this paper explores the extent to which intra-party democracy allows for the inclusion of women in electoral politics (Molokomme 2001b). There is no doubt about the political commitment of SADC member states at regional level to the attainment of gender parity in politics and decision-making, and indeed in all other spheres of life. In the light of this expressed commitment, I explore the performance or practice of SADC member states in the representation of women in political decision-making positions and the trends that have emerged in methods of facilitating the entry of a critical mass of women into political leadership. Finally, I reflect on the lessons that the DRC can learn from these experiences and their implications for a future in which gender parity will become the norm in SADC political …

Bookie Monica Kethusegile-JuruVolume 2 number 1, Apr 2003, , , angola botswana lesotho mozambique namibia south-africa swaziland zambia zimbabwe2003vol-2
How the South African Electoral System was Negotiated
How the South African Electoral System was Negotiated

Since 1994 South Africa’s National Assembly and its nine regional legislatures have been elected on a list-based system of proportional representation. Proportional representation is a constitutional requirement. Elections for the Assembly and the legislatures are held simultaneously, though this is not a constitutional stipulation. Voters complete two ballot forms, one for the Assembly, the other for the legislature of the region in which they reside. Ballot forms refer to political parties only. Each party submits lists of candidates for the Assembly and the legislatures before the election. In the case of the Assembly, candidates either appear on a national list or on a list of nominations from the regions. Seats in the 400-member National Assembly and in the regional legislatures are allocated to each party in proportion to its respective share of the vote according to the Droop Quota and Highest Remainder method. In effect the system affords representation to any party that can win 0,25 per cent of the vote – the lowest entry threshold in any proportional representation system. The elections are organised by an Independent Electoral Commission whose five members have, since 1998, been chosen through recommendations to the President by a panel which selects from a group of candidates nominated by an all-party parliamentary …

Tom LodgeVolume 2 number 1, Apr 2003, , , , , south-africa2003vol-2
Aperçu Historique de la Pratique Electorale en Republique Democratique du Congo Depuis son Accession a L'independance
Aperçu Historique de la Pratique Electorale en Republique Democratique du Congo Depuis son Accession a L’independance

Representative democracy as it has existed in the world since the 18th century implies that the people elect those who manage public affairs in their name and in their place. The election of the latter, called rulers, is carried out according to electoral systems which vary depending on whether we are in countries with a single-party political regime or in countries with a multi-party regime. In countries with a single-party political system, the rulers are chosen by the leaders of the single party who draw up the lists of ‘candidates’ and then have these lists adopted by the voters through a sham election. If in this case the choice of governors by party officials is made before the presentation of the lists of ‘candidates’ to voters, it sometimes happens that the choice is made a posteriori. In these cases, the candidates that the leaders of the single party believe or consider to be good are elected, regardless of the number of votes obtained. In countries with a multi-party political system, rulers are chosen by the governed voters according to three main electoral systems: the majority system, the proportional representation system and the mixed …

Adrien Mulumbati NgashaVolume 2 number 1, Apr 2003democratic-republic-of-congo2003vol-2
The Electoral Process and Democratic Governance in Lesotho: Lessons for the Democratic Republic of Congo
The Electoral Process and Democratic Governance in Lesotho: Lessons for the Democratic Republic of Congo

After long years of authoritarian rule, marked, in the main, by either civilian or military dictatorship, all the member states of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) have embraced multi-party democratic governance. Although much progress has been made in a majority of the regional states towards nurturing and consolidating democratic governance, fairly slow progress is still manifest in the case of three SADC member-states, namely Angola, The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Swaziland. It is not difficult to understand and explain the rather disappointing record of democratisation in these three states. The main problem in both Angola and the DRC is largely the protracted violent conflict that has characterised them, although it appears now that the prospect of successfully settling these intra-state disputes is fairly bright. Swaziland is steeped in a traditionalism that has entrenched a dynastic form of governance in which the King, as an executive monarch, is central to the running of national affairs. This constitutes a critical democratic deficit for the country. One important ingredient of democratic consolidation in the SADC region is the holding of regular multi-party elections. It should, however, be noted right from the start that an election does not amount to democracy. In other words, the holding of regular multi-party elections is one thing, while institutionalisation and consolidation of democratic governance and ensuring political stability and a peaceful succession of national leadership is quite another. Put somewhat differently, it is quite possible that the SADC region could embrace regular multi-party elections but that democratic practice and culture as well as political stability may lag far behind. This scenario does not augur well for the nurturing and consolidation of the democratic rule and political stability the region needs for socio-economic …

Khabele MatlosaVolume 2 number 1, Apr 2003, , , 2003
Electoral Choice and Practice and the Democratic Process in Mozambique
Electoral Choice and Practice and the Democratic Process in Mozambique

Elections, which constitute the basis of the concept and practice of modern liberal democracies, have a twofold significance: they serve as a tool for legitimating the political regime and they provide the main forum for both political competition and popular political participation. In both cases they help to secure popular control over government – the principal characteristic of a democratic representative system of government (Beetham and Boyle 1995). Modern liberal democracies are basically representative political systems. This amounts to saying that a modern democratic government is legitimate to the extent that it has been constituted through some sort of expressed choice by the bulk of the citizenry. From Locke to Rousseau, from James Madison to Schumpeter, a democratic government is described as one that bears a popular mandate, obtained through several and distinct ways of amalgamating the popular will. To be sure, as Schumpeter and a number of social choice theorists (notably William H. Riker 1982) stress, one important defining feature of modern democracies is that individuals acquire decision-making powers through a competitive struggle for the people’s vote (Schumpeter 1954). This feature links elections with a particular institutional setting, namely that of a multi-party political system. This qualification is relevant because it is possible for elections to take place and political participation to be encouraged outside the realm of modern liberal and representative forms of democratic governments with a view to legitimating a particular political regime. Beetham and Boyle’s ‘democratic pyramid’ encompasses, apart from elections, civil and political rights, a strong civil society and an accountable government, all of which find expression in a well functioning pluralistic political system (Beetham and Boyle …

Obede BaloiVolume 2 number 1, April 2003, , , , , mozambique2003vol-2
JAE Volume 2 Number 1 Apr 2003 [Entire Journal]
JAE Volume 2 Number 1 Apr 2003 [Entire Journal]

Volume 2 number 1, Apr 20032003
Choosing an Electoral System: Alternatives for the Post-War Democratic Republic of Congo
Choosing an Electoral System: Alternatives for the Post-War Democratic Republic of Congo

The civilized way of selecting individuals as representatives of the citizens of a country is through free, fair and genuine elections. However, the translation of the results of an election into seats depends considerably on a combination of provisions and procedures known as the electoral system. Thus, the choice of an electoral system has a direct effect on the electoral results and has serious political consequences for representation and political stability. In this paper I discuss types of electoral systems and their impacts on political representation and stability, and point out the most important elements that will affect the citizens of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) when they choose and engineer an electoral system for their country. The experiences of various relevant countries will be outlined to enable the Congolese to draw lessons and expand their understanding of the political consequences of different electoral systems. Special emphasis is placed on the applicable experiences of countries in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) because of the similarity of their political, economic, cultural and social contexts. There is no such thing as the perfect electoral system. However, it is undeniable that some systems have advantages over others. The design of an electoral system is always influenced by a country’s particular conditions, including its history, culture, politics, demographic composition and the views and roles of key actors. The post-war DRC has the challenge of designing a system that will ensure political stability and fair representation and sustain nation-building efforts. This paper is subdivided into two sections. The first gives a brief account of the political context in the DRC, a factor which will inform the choice of an electoral system for the Congo. The second section describes types of electoral systems, with an emphasis on those used by countries in the SADC region and their political consequences for those countries. In the conclusion, I suggest which electoral system is the most likely to meet the political needs of today’s …

Denis K KadimaVolume 2 number 1, Apr 2003, , , , democratic-republic-of-congo2003vol-2
Roles and performances of regional election observation delegations in the SADC region
Roles and performances of regional election observation delegations in the SADC region

Denis KadimaVolume 1 number 2, Sep 2002, , botswana lesotho mozambique namibia south-africa swaziland zimbabwe2002vol-1
The Role, Functions and Performance of Botswana's Independent Electoral Commission
The Role, Functions and Performance of Botswana’s Independent Electoral Commission

From the first pre-independence general election of March 1965 elections in Botswana were run by the Supervisor of Elections, who fell under the Office of the President. As time went on the public, particularly members of the opposition parties, perceived the Supervisor of Elections as being a government employee controlled by the ruling party, or at least under its influence. Government heeded the call of opposition parties for the formation of an Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) to run the elections and, in 1997, the Constitution was amended to accommodate the establishment of such a body to replace the office of the Supervisor of Elections. Section 65A of the Constitution of Botswana sets out the composition of the …

Balefi TsieVolume 1 number 2, Sep 2002, , botswana2002vol-1
Reflection on the Activities and Contributions of the Coalition of Domestic Election Observers (CODEO) to the success of Ghana's 2000 elections: Lessons for other African Countries
Reflection on the Activities and Contributions of the Coalition of Domestic Election Observers (CODEO) to the success of Ghana’s 2000 elections: Lessons for other African Countries

Ghana’s 2000 elections marked an important milestone in the country’s political history. It is a monumental step in the consolidation and deepening of Ghana’s democracy. Ghana’s electoral success and the peaceful alternation of political power from one democratically elected to another led by an opposition party have received  praise from home and abroad. And this achievement is seen as a model and source of hope for other countries in sub-Saharan Africa. Many explanations have been given for this electoral achievement, but most of them despondently downplayed the crucial role of domestic election observers. This paper emphasises the contribution of the Coalition of Domestic Election Observers (CODEO). The paper strongly recommends that African countries should emulate the good works of CODEO and make domestic election observation one of the central pillars of the democratisation …

E. Kojo Sakyi & Franklin OdureVolume 1 Number 2, Sep 2002, , , ghana2002vol-1
Multi-stage monitoring and declaring elections 'free and fair': The June 2000 Zimbabwe election
Multi-stage monitoring and declaring elections ‘free and fair’: The June 2000 Zimbabwe election

This paper explores practices in and approaces to observing election and calling elections ‘free and fair’ in the context of the Zimbabwe parliamentary election of June 2000. The analysis incorporates considerations of the ‘politics of election observation’ and the ‘politics of calling elections’ and examines these factors in the context of the hosting country. The paper assesses prevailing theoretical approaches to the observation of elections, and notes the prevailing ‘three-phase’ orientation. In contrast with the literature, which generally proposes a three-phase approach, this analysis explores the usefulness of a six-phase approach to assess the depth of observation in Zimbabwe. The paper then deals with the issue of extent and depth of observation in the case of ZImbabwe 2000. The questions are asked whether observers covered all relevant phases of the election, thether they had adequate access to relevant information and events, and what reasons prevailed for widespread practices of limited observation. This part of the analysis presents the data that supports the theoretical arguements for a six-phase approach to election observation. Next, the paper asssesses the nature of the ‘election calls’ that the missions issued with regard to the 2000 Zimbabwe parliamentary elections. It informs the theoretical part of the analysis through its highlighitng of the extent to which the lack of systematic observation of pre- and post-election phases, and their incorporation into observer reports, would contribute to ensuring both the quality of subsequent elections, and the credibility of observation practice. The paper ends with a postscript, drawing tentative links between the observation trends of the June 2000 Parliamentary and the March 2002 presidential elections in …

Susan BooysenVolume 1 number 2, Sep 2002, , zimbabwe2002vol-1
Looking at the management of the 2001 Zambian tripartite elections
Looking at the management of the 2001 Zambian tripartite elections

Claude Kambuya KabembaVolume 1 number 2, Sep 2002, zambia2002 2001vol-1
Lesotho 2002: Africa's first MMP elections
Lesotho 2002: Africa’s first MMP elections

Jørgen ElklitVolume 1 number 2, Sep 2002, , , , lesotho2002vol-1
From African Renaissance to NEPAD... and back to the Renaissance
From African Renaissance to NEPAD… and back to the Renaissance

Chris LandsbergVolume 1 Number 2, Sep 2002, , , , democratic-republic-of-congo kenya nigeria south-africa zambia zimbabwe2002vol-1
The Electoral System and Democratisation in Zimbabwe since 1980
The Electoral System and Democratisation in Zimbabwe since 1980

Lloyd M. SachikonyeVolume 1 Number 2, Sep 2002, , , , , zimbabwe2002vol-1
Electoral Reform in Namibia
Electoral Reform in Namibia

Joram Kumaaipurua RukambeVolume 1 Number 2, Sep 2002, , , namibia2002vol-1
JAE Volume 1 Number 2 Sep [Entire Journal]
JAE Volume 1 Number 2 Sep [Entire Journal]

Volume 1 Number 2, Sep 20022002
Constitutional Constraints on South Africa's Electoral System
Constitutional Constraints on South Africa’s Electoral System

This paper surveys the constitutional provisions pertinant to a future electoal system applicable to the elections of South Africa’s National Assembly and provincial legislatures. It also also addresses court decisions releant to these provisions. The Constitution of te Republic of South Africa Act 108 of 1996 (the Constitutsion) requires that this electoral system “results, in general, in proportional representation”. What exactly this means is unclear. It may be interpreted to allow a future electoral system to give effect to a degree of accountability while reducing teh degree of proportionality. There is a range of electoral options available, resulting in higher and lower degrees of proportionality. The national legislation that will prescribe the electoral system for the 2004 elections should, taking all the constitutional requirements and functional demands of the system into account, seek to achieve optimal …

Glenda FickVolume 1 Number 2, Sep 2002, , , , , , south-africa2002vol-1
La Carte Geographique et les Elections
La Carte Geographique et les Elections

Matezo BakundaVolume 1 Number 2, Sep 20022002vol-1
The Unfinished Referendum Process in Western Sahara
The Unfinished Referendum Process in Western Sahara

The Western Saharan conflict, between Morocco and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el Hamra and Rio de Oro (Polisario), has constituted a major threat to regional stability in North Africa since the Spanish decolonisation in 1975. The war has cost thousands of lives, with prisoners of war taken on both sides, and forced Morocco to construct a huge fortified wall in the Sahara. The conflicting parties have a fundamental disagreement on the status of Sahara; Morocco claims its marocanity based on the region’s historical ties with Moroccan dynasties. In contrast, the Polisario fights for the Sahrawi people’s right to self-determination, bolstered by Organization of African Unity (OAU) principles and United Nations (UN) resolutions. However, the underlying dispute concerns the control of the region’s rich phosphate and fish resources. The UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (Minurso) has played the major role in the organisation of the referendum for self-determination, delayed several times due to disagreement on the voter identification and registration. In January 2001, the Polisario declared the end of the ceasefire, effective since 1991, due to Morocco’s failure to respect the agreed principles. The political settlement of the dispute remains difficult to achieve and frustration on the ground is increasing. However, the example of a successful referendum in East Timor gives hope for the future in Western …

Terhi LehtinenJAE Volume 1 Number 1 May 2001, , , , , morocco western-sahara2001vol-1
A Summary of the Parliamentary and Presidential Elections in Mozambique, 1999
A Summary of the Parliamentary and Presidential Elections in Mozambique, 1999

The 1994 and 1999 presidential and parliamentary elections were widely hailed as a vote for peace. They were also seen as a test of electoral management, being held in the wake of the failure of the 1998 local government elections. Those elections were boycotted by the opposition parties who alleged that the national elections committee, the Comissâo Nacional de Eleicôes (CNE) and the Technical Secretariat for Election Administration (STAE) were partial to Frente de Libertaçâo de Moçambique (Frelimo). Only Frelimo and four groups of independent citizens in Maputo, Beira, Nacala and Manhiça took part in the local government elections. The staging of well-run elections, and gaining acceptance of the results are often separate issues. Mozambique is a case in point, with the legitimacy of its recent commitment to multiparty elections hinging on all parties recognising the election results. One of the key mechanisms to achieving this acceptance of election results is to ensure that the body administering the elections operates in a transparent and accountable manner. Even the suspicion or allegation of wrongdoing, well founded or not, can be sufficient to derail an electoral …

Vicky da SilvaVolume 1 Number 1, May 2001, , , , , mozambique2001vol-1
Parliamentary Elections in Zimbabwe, 2000
Parliamentary Elections in Zimbabwe, 2000

The 2000 general election was played out against the backdrop of national liberation damands and a Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF) stoking the fires of nationalism. But the Zanu-PF campaign slogan, ‘land is the economy, the economy is the land’, was not merely revolutionary nostalgia. Rather, it was explicitly backed up by an army of ‘war veterans’. and implicitly at least, by the police and armed forces. Leading the charge was President Robert Mugabe, whose populist rhetoric and criticisms of Rhodesian, British, and American interference in Zimbabwean sovereignty added much heat if little light to Zimbabwe’s political and economic situation. The 2000 election promised change, not only in the form of the rising strength of the first substantial opposition to Zanu-PF in Zimbabwe’s 20 years of independence, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), but also by raising the possibility of succession from within Zanu-PF. Though the election was marked by neither an MDC victory, nor an immediate shake-up within the ruling party hierarchy, it did promise to unleash a profoundly new phase of politics in …

David PottieVolume 1 Number 1 May 2001, , , , , , , zimbabwe2001vol-1
Making Sense of the 'Coloured' Vote in Post-Apartheid South Africa: Comparing the 1994 and 1999 Provincial Results in the Western Cape
Making Sense of the ‘Coloured’ Vote in Post-Apartheid South Africa: Comparing the 1994 and 1999 Provincial Results in the Western Cape

The voting behaviour of coloureds in South Africa’s short history of democratic elections has often been treated in an off-hand or simplistic manner. Those most guilty of this abuse have been the popular mass media and political party activists. As a result, existing interpretations of coloured voting patterns in the national and provincial elections of 1994 and 1999 invent ‘traditional’ voting patterns for coloureds or even reify a homogenous coloured voting bloc. Media commentators and political party activists have often dealt with coloured voters as if they are a single, homogenous entity, with little regard for factors of class, region, religion or the impact of self-identification. For example, when the majority of coloured voters opted for the National Party (NP) in the first democratic election in 1994, interpretations of that vote – rather than interrogating it – sought to conveniently explain it through supposed ‘traditional voting patterns’ or coloureds’ supposed ‘historical affinity’ for the …

Sean JacobsVolume 1 Number 1, May 2001, , , south-africa2001vol-1
Les Elections Ivoiriennes de I'An 2000
Les Elections Ivoiriennes de I’An 2000

La Côte d’Ivoire est un Pays de l’Afrique de l’Ouest. Sa superficie est de 322 463 Km2. Sa population est estimée à 15 800 000 habitants en 2000, avec 50.9% d’hommes et 49.10% de femmes. Elle est limitée au Nord par le Burkina FASO et le Mali, au Sud par le golf de Guinée, à l’Est par le Ghana et à l’Ouest par la Guinée et le Libéria. Depuis la Proclamation de son indépendance le 7 Août 1960, elle est demeurée une République de Démocratie Constitutionnelle jusqu’au 24 Décembre 1999. La Constitution du 3 Novembre 1960 qui a été modifiée à plusieurs reprises, prévoit le multipartisme. Mais la Démocratie multipartite ne sera réellement mise en pratique qu’à partir du 30 Avril …

Maître Françoise Kaudjhis-OffoumouVolume 1 Number 1, May 20012001vol-1
How Political Parties Finance Electoral Campaigning in Southern Africa
How Political Parties Finance Electoral Campaigning in Southern Africa

Political party electioneering finance is a subject which deserves more consideration than it receives in Africa. Efficiently and expensively administered elections in which at most only one party can afford the costs of an effective and sophisticated campaign represent a very partial fulfilment of democratisation, yet such contests are normal in the region. As well as providing useful insights in any assessment of electoral equity, examining the how parties finance their operations often helps to illuminate broader questions concerning the ways in which they attempt to build support. Free and fair elections require strong parties as much as they need efficient administrators, yet in Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) countries, as is generally the case further afield, legitimate public expenditure is predominantly concentrated on electoral bureaucracies: parties are supposed to fend for themselves. In this paper we will first consider some of the ways in which parties try to finance their operations before turning to the second question of how they spend the money they raise or use the resources they succeed in …

Tom LodgeVolume 1 Number 1, May 2001, , , , , angola lesotho mozambique namibia south-africa swaziland zambia zimbabwe2001vol-1
Electoral Sustainability and the Costs of Development
Electoral Sustainability and the Costs of Development

The cost of holding elections in a multiparty democracy is high and continues to rise. A random check on the cost per elector at a general election in 22 Commonwealth countries a few years ago revealed an average cost of US$4.24. There is however a growing awareness that the cost of not having elections often leads to conflict which is even more costly than elections. It is necessary that ways and means be found to ensure the long-term fiscal sustainability of democratic elections. The key to achieving this goal is to develop cost-effective measures in election preparation and conduct. It is well known that many of the southern African states find election budgets beyond their capacity at the present time and are willing to accept funding assistance from friendly foreign governments and organisations. Free and fair elections are considered essential to the growth of a healthy democratic state and so a long-term strategy needs to be formulated to ensure that electoral services are seen and funded as an essential …

Carl W DundasVolume 1 Number 1, May 2001, south-africa2001vol-1
JAE Volume 1 Number 1 May 2001 [Entire Journal]
JAE Volume 1 Number 1 May 2001 [Entire Journal]

Volume 1 Number 1, May 20012001vol-1
Ballots or Bullets: Elections and Conflict Management in Southern Africa
Ballots or Bullets: Elections and Conflict Management in Southern Africa

Elections form an important ingredient for democratic rule in all societies. However, on their own, elections do not amount to democracy nor are they sufficient to sustain democratic governance. The significance of elections though, is that they encourage popular participation in the political process, which is crucial for both stability and legitimacy of rule. This is more so in conflict-ridden and war-torn societies. The southern African experience demonstrates that the relative political stability enjoyed by the majority of states since the ending of the cold war and the demise of apartheid, has been nurtured and consolidated through elections, which have essentially replaced bullets with ballots as key instruments for the contestation for state power. The extent to which elections add value to the constructive management of conflicts depends critically on both the nature of the electoral system and the unequivocal commitment of the belligerent parties to peace, reconciliation and …

Khabele MatlosaVolume 1 Number 1, May 2001, , , , , , angola lesotho mozambique namibia south-africa swaziland zambia zimbabwe2001vol-1
Editorial

Gilbert M KhadiagalaVolume 7 Number 2, Oct 2008englishkenya2008
Editorial

Khabele MatlosaVolume 7 Number 2, Oct 2008englishlesotho2008
Editorial

Emmanuel O Ojo, PhDVolume 6 Number 2, Oct 2007englishnigeria2007

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JAE Editorial Board

Roukaya Kasenally transparent democratic governance in africa
Editor: Dr Roukaya Kasenally
African Media Initiative, University of Mauritius
Roukaya Kasenally is a democracy scholar and Associate Professor at the University of Mauritius. Kasenally is associated with several institutions namely she is the Chair of the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa (EISA), a member of the International Advisory Board of the Electoral Integrity Project (EIP) as well as Series Editor of ‘Small State Studies’ (Routledge). Kasenally has researched and published in the area of democratic and media governance, elite non accountability, intrusive technology, and Chinese soft power. She is the co-founder of a number of think tanks in Mauritius that support citizen capacity building on democratic rights and responsibilities. She was a Reagan – Fascell Democracy Fellow at the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) in 2011 and a Draper Hills Fellow, Centre on Democracy, Development and Rule of Law, Stanford University (2015). She holds a PhD from the University of Sheffield.
roger southall associate editor eisa 2 transparent democratic governance in africa
Associate Editor: Prof Roger Southall
Department of Sociology, University of the Witwatersrand
Roger Southall is Emeritus Professor in Sociology, University of the Witwatersrand, and was previously Professor of Political Studies at Rhodes University. He is author of seven books on South Africa, the latest of which is 'Smuts and Mandela: The Men Who Made South Africa' and a co-editor of books on each of the last four South African general elections. He is presently writing a book about how the causation of inequality in South Africa has been presented in the literature. He has written widely on African and South African politics and economy, and has been a long-serving member of the editorial board of the JAE.
khabele matlosa associate editor eisa transparent democratic governance in africa
Associate Editor: Dr Khabele Matlosa
SARCHI African Diplomacy and Foreign Policy, University of Johannesburg
Dr. Khabele Matlosa is the Director, Strategic Institute for Research and Dialogue, Maseru, Lesotho. He is also the visiting Professor at the Centre for African Diplomacy and Leadership at the University of Johannesburg. He is the former Programmes Director at the Electoral Institute for Sustainable democracy in Africa (EISA), Johannesburg, South Africa (2003-2010). He is the former Governance Advisor at the United Nations Development Programme Regional Service Centre for Africa, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia (2010-2013). He is the former Director, Department of Political Affairs, African Union Commission, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia (2014-2021). He is the author of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance which was adopted by the African Union Heads of State and Government in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia on 30 January 2007, which came into force in 2012. Besides observing elections in several countries in Africa and beyond, he has researched and written widely on various topics on governance, peace and development in Africa. He has edited and co-edited books. He has published journal articles and book chapters. In 2023, he was the Co-Guest Editor of the South African Journal of International Affairs volume 30, no. 3, focusing on ‘Safeguarding Election Management Bodies in the age of Democratic Recession’.
sue randall managing editor eisa 1 scaled transparent democratic governance in africa
Managing Editor: Sue Randall
Managing editor
Sue Randall holds a BA in English and psychology and an MA in research psychology. She was the managing editor of the JAE from June 2015 to January 2017 and resumed the role in January 2025. Her past clients have included Cambridge University Press, the Human Sciences Research Council, the South African Journal of Science, the South African Law Reform Commission, and small publishers such as Staging Post and QuickFox, as well as private clients. She was an accredited member of the Professional Editors' Guild (2021–2023) and is currently a member of the South African Freelancers' Association and the Academic and Non-fiction Authors Association of South Africa.
denis kadima board member eisa1 2 transparent democratic governance in africa
Editorial Board member: Denis Kadima
Chairperson, Commission Électorale Nationale Indépendante
Denis K. Kadima has been the President of the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) since October 2021, successfully managing the country’s national, provincial, and local elections in 2023 and senatorial and gubernatorial elections in 2024. Previously, he served for nearly 20 years as Executive Director of the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa (EISA), expanding its reach across the continent and supporting electoral integrity and democracy-building efforts. He has provided technical assistance to the African Union, regional economic communities, and electoral bodies worldwide. Kadima has also worked with the United Nations, overseeing South Sudan’s 2010 referendum and advising Tunisia’s 2011 post-Arab Spring elections. Additionally, he held leadership roles with the National Democratic Institute (NDI) and worked in the banking sector in the DRC. He has published extensively on electoral processes in Africa and founded the Journal of African Elections (2003). He holds a master’s degree in political science and a postgraduate degree in Business Administration from the University of the Witwatersrand, as well as degrees in Political and Administrative Sciences from the University of Lubumbashi.
jorgen elklit editorial board member eisa 1 transparent democratic governance in africa
Editorial Board member: Jørgen Elklit
Department of Political Science, Aarhus University
Dr Jørgen Elklit is a professor emeritus, who was active at the Department of Political Science at Aarhus University in Denmark 1972-2022. He spent periods as a guest researcher in Berlin, the US (Univ. of Notre Dame), and Sidney, and he was in 2014 the van Zyl Slabbert visiting professor at the University of Cape Town. His main professional interests are electoral systems, election administration, and electoral behaviour, in Denmark, Africa, and elsewhere, now and previously. He has written and (co-)edited a number of books, book chapters, and papers in academic journals. He has also been active as a consultant on elections and democracy in a number of countries in Africa, Asia, and Europe. He was a member of the 1994 Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) in South Africa, a member of the South African government’s Electoral Task Team 2002-03, and Secretary to the 2008 Independent Review Commission in Kenya. Professor Elklit was an EISA board member 1996-2009 and he has served on the editorial board of the Journal of African Elections since 2002.
abdul rahman lamin board member eisa transparent democratic governance in africa
Editorial Board member: Abdul Rahman Lamin
Department of Social and Human Sciences, UNESCO

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