EISA

2023 journal of african elections v23n1 eisa transparent democratic governance in africa

Political Party Building in a Populist Style: Evidence from South Africa’s Economic Freedom Fighters, 2014-2019

This article assesses the local organisation of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) in its first participation in South Africa’s local government elections in 2016. Drawing on original interviews with local party activists, it explains how the EFF’s brand of populism mobilised at the grassroots level during its formative years. The study argues that the party’s populist style was effective because it helped appropriate existing diverse networks of political activists by positioning itself as the voice of ‘ordinary black people’ against business and government ‘elites’. This orientation of the EFF appealed to youth, activists, and mineworkers who felt excluded from the African National Congress (ANC); while the protests and regalia of its populist style nurtured feelings of collective identity and efficacy among local party organisers. The article indicates how a populist style can be effective in exploiting generational cleavages to build a viable opposition party within the constraints of a dominant party system.

2023 journal of african elections v22n2 eisa transparent democratic governance in africa

Electoral Manipulation in the Grey Zone: Evidence from Ghana’s Parliamentary Elections in 2008 and 2012

Electoral manipulation undermines the function of elections as a mechanism of representation and accountability, and erodes public trust in government institutions; however, our theoretical understanding of its causes is still limited. Research has focused on the blunter forms of electoral manipulation. Less attention has been given to the more subtle forms, although these are more common. This paper investigates one type of subtle electoral manipulation: miscounting, meaning election officers who selectively reject ballots during the counting. It suggests that miscounting (one of the ways in which political candidates can rig elections) is characterised by low risks and high direct costs. On one hand, it is almost invisible, embedded in the sociocultural norms and practices surrounding elections in many African countries. On the other, it is expensive, requiring large amounts of patronage to co-opt election officers. This makes miscounting attractive only to incumbents who fear electoral defeat and have deep clientelist networks. The paper tests this argument against data from the 2008 and 2012 parliamentary elections in Ghana. It shows that the number of ballot rejections is positively correlated with the number of years the party of the incumbent MP has held the constituency seat, but negatively correlated when this variable is interacted with the win-margin in the last parliamentary election. This pattern is consistent with the model, supporting the argument that the effect of electoral uncertainty on miscounting is conditional. When MPs do not have resources at their disposal, they choose other types of electoral manipulation or opt out of electoral rigging altogether.

journal of african elections vol21 number 2 1 transparent democratic governance in africa

Elections and Electoral Processes in Somaliland: A Fading Democracy

After declaring its independence from Somalia in 1991, Somaliland has built
a system to deliver basic services to its citizens. Despite having relatively
good security, Somaliland has to date received no international recognition.
With the presidential term extension made by the House of Elders (the
Guurti) in October 2022, politics in Somaliland is at fever pitch. Public
demonstrations, sporadic clashes, mass arrests, and hate speech add to a
general sense of political disorder. Several factors have shaped the current
outlook for democracy in Somaliland, including clan politics, a rent-seeking
mentality, and weak institutional and legal frameworks. This study seeks
to emphasise the contentious way in which elections have been held in
Somaliland, and which have led to a loss of confidence in the country. The
results, as witnessed in the 2017 presidential election, led to disputes, mass
protests, and loss of life. Election time in Somaliland has therefore been
a cause of concern for both political parties and the Somaliland Election
Commission. In the battle for political leadership, the pre- and post-electoral
aftermath has become conventional. But the main victim of the battle for
political leadership has been the Somaliland Election Commission which is
torn between contesting political parties.

journal of african elections vol20 number 1 transparent democratic governance in africa

Social Media Penetration, Party Politics and Elections in Tanzania: Emerging Practices and Challenges

Tanzania has witnessed an increased use of social media in political party
campaigning over the last decade. Use of social media was nonetheless
curtailed by a changing techno-political framework regulated by acts relating
to cybersecurity and statistics. This study was guided by two hypotheses:
firstly, that despite restrictive cybersecurity laws, social media in recent years
has been effectively institutionalised as a new civic cyberspace for political
party campaigns during elections. Secondly, increasing use of social media
in elections has had a transformative effect on the way party structure was
organised to conduct political mobilisation, promote party ideology and both
inter- and intra-party interaction, and for fundraising. The study interviewed
party members and leaders from five political parties which participated in
the 2015 and 2020 general elections and concluded that social media had a
transformative effect on core political party campaign activities.

journal of african elections vol20 number 1 transparent democratic governance in africa

Exploring the Socio-Demographic Distribution of Independent Swing Voters in Ghana

Ghana has become a two-party state by default, with the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and the New Patriotic Party (NPP) emerging as the only political parties with sufficient national appeal to win elections and form governments. Through the power of the ballot, each of them has had the chance of being in government as well […]

journal of african elections vol17 number 2 transparent democratic governance in africa

Election Administration in Nigeria: A Researcher’s Account of the 2015 General Elections

Using empirical field accounts of the 2015 general elections in the Ibadan South-East local government area, this article investigates the problems and prospects of election administration in Nigeria. It argues that while the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Nigeria’s electoral management body, made elaborate preparations for the conduct of the general elections across the country, […]

journal of african elections vol16 number 2 transparent democratic governance in africa

Botswana’s Dominant Party System: Determinants in the Decision to Vote for the Ruling Party

The Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) has dominated other political parties in every election since independence in 1966. Debates on factors that account for the dominance of the BDP typically point to weakness of opposition parties, lack of party funding, the electoral system and advantages of incumbency enjoyed by the ruling party. Using performance-based theory, this […]

journal of african elections vol14 number 2 transparent democratic governance in africa

Nigeria’s 2015 Presidential Election: The Votes, the Fears and the Regime Change

Nigeria’s 2015 presidential election has been a landmark in the country’s political history. As the fifth round of elections since the restoration of constitutional rule in 1999, it not only resulted in an alternation of power for the first time in the democratic history of Africa’s largest democracy, but its outcome is widely acknowledged as […]