Democratic Deficit and Underdevelopment in Nigeria: A Qualitative Study of the 2023 Presidential Elections
Discontentment with democracy in West Africa centres on abuse of power and political corruption. In Nigeria, dissatisfaction lies not just with these but also with insecurity, economic recession and the electoral process – a system fraught with complications, controversies and contradictions. Using the political economy of elections as its theoretical framework together with mixed research methods, this paper interrogates the relationship between Nigeria’s democratic culture and the 2023 presidential elections. Here I present a politicised electoral management institution, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Its performance is shaped, not by legislative instruments and constitutional guidelines, but by a dysfunctional democratic culture that reflects the extent to which ethnicised politics, class, institutionalised loyalty and money politics determine election results and Nigeria’s version of democracy. Although fragile and prebendal, democracy continues to consolidate amidst delayed development. The paper recommends increased media advocacy for reform.
Women’s Participation in Nigeria’s 2023 Elections: A Micro-level Analysis
This study investigates a micro-level dimension of women’s participation in Nigeria’s electoral politics. It focuses on a particular local government area: Ikere, in Ekiti state in southwestern Nigeria, during the 2023 general election. The paper uses a qualitative approach to analyse the contributions of women towards the successes of their political parties at the polls, although they have not had full opportunity to contest as candidates. Key informant and in-depth interviews were conducted with respondents who were purposively selected from the leadership of political parties, academia, market and religious institutions, as well as interested onlookers. Additionally, campaign and mobilisation processes were observed during the period of this election. The study concluded that the wait for cultural and socioeconomic development to turn in favour of women’s numerical increase might not offer any realistic hope. However, the adoption of discretionary affirmative action strategies by party leaders could have a reverse effect and also reinforce prejudice.
Technology, Cyber Security and the 2023 Elections in Nigeria: Prospects, Challenges and Opportunities
Nigeria’s Electoral Act 2022 legitimises the use of technology in different aspects of the electoral process. The steady increase in technology adoption in the electoral process continued in 2023, after successful pilots in the Anambra, Ekiti, and Osun state elections. This article investigates how technology has been deployed to conduct elections in Nigeria, comparing it to other jurisdictions, notably Estonia. This study adopts a qualitative case study approach, synthesising expert views and reviews from the available literature, official documents, and press releases to produce emergent themes. The article considers the emerging legal, regulatory, and technical concerns from both a scholarly and industry perspective. The article also examines potential risks, such as reliability issues, cybersecurity concerns, gaps in technological capability, information governance and data protection concerns.
Nigeria’s 2023 Presidential Elections: The Question of Legitimacy for the Tinubu Administration
This article raises concerns about the legitimacy crisis likely to confront the government of Nigeria’s President Bola Tinubu, following the nature of the conduct and outcome of the 2023 presidential elections. While legitimacy is crucial to government and governance, citizens’ compliance and cooperation with the government, and how elections and their outcomes are perceived can influence the government’s legitimacy. The study reveals how INEC’S
conduct, Tinubu’s personality crisis and the burdens facing the ruling APC in a pluralistic society, as well as the emerging youth category, would affect Tinubu’s legitimacy as Nigeria’s president. The analysis relies on careful
observation of Nigerian politics and elections as well as the views expressed by experts, political parties, local and international observers and newspaper reports before, during and after the 2023 elections. It offers an empirical
contribution to our understanding of the relationship between elections and the legitimacy of Nigeria.
Preparations of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the Outcome of the 2023 General Elections in Nigeria
While many scholarly works have been dedicated to the study of elections in Nigeria, the preparations for and outcome of the 2023 elections have not received adequate attention. This article seeks to address that gap with an assessment of the preparations of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the outcome of the 2023 general […]
Two Decades of Democracy in Nigeria: Between Consolidation and Regression
The year 1999 marked a watershed moment in the political history of Nigeria with the transition from military to civilian rule and the beginning of the Fourth Republic. Two decades later, the country has not only witnessed the longest period of civilian democratic rule but has also achieved a milestone with the alternation of power between the two dominant political parties. The augury, however, points to a democracy oscillating between consolidation and regression. This paper therefore interrogates two decades of democratisation in Nigeria in the context of the two main parties, the conduct of elections, and the level of representation of marginalised groups, particularly women. The paper contends that while it may be uncharitable to discount the incremental gains since the return to civil rule, the country is far from attaining the status of a consolidated democracy.
Gender Mainstreaming in Nigeria’s 2019 General Elections: Evidence and Perspectives from Kano and Oyo states
Nigeria’s politics have been accused of gender imbalance since independence, and scholarship is replete with discussions of factors responsible for the low level of women’s participation and representation in politics, and women’s poor showing in electoral contests. Most studies of women’s political participation in Nigeria have taken a unidirectional approach of analysing or discussing women’s marginalisation in both appointive and elective offices. This study replaces the unidirectional approach with a multidirectional and multistakeholder analysis of the gender mainstreaming effort in Nigeria’s 2019 general election. With a focus on Kano and Oyo states, we argue that increased gender consciousness has not translated to any significant improvement in women’s representation in politics, thus implying that mainstreaming gender is of no effect if women’s participation in politics does not translate to a substantial representation of women in both number and influence.
Judicialising party primaries: Contemporary Developments in Nigeria
Cet article explore la judiciarisation des primaires des partis dans le Nigeria contemporain, qui constitue une caractéristique déterminante de la politique électorale du pays. Depuis la création de la Quatrième République, le manque de démocratie interne au sein des partis a été à l’origine de crises prolongées lors des nominations, et cela dépend souvent de la sérénité des tribunaux. Les études dominantes en théorie juridique soutiennent que les primaires contestées sont des affaires internes au parti ; ils ne sont donc pas justiciables. S’appuyer sur des données primaires et secondaires – Entretiens sur YouTube, Constitution, loi électorale, décisions judiciaires, reportages médiatiques et observations personnelles – cet article soutient que dans la mesure où les partis politiques sont des entités juridiques, les élections primaires contestées sont justiciables, d’où une question juridique qui doit être résolue par le judiciaire. Pour valider notre argument, l’article s’appuie sur la notion de compétence universelle et obligatoire de Raphaël (1970). Notre enquête révèle que l’incapacité des mécanismes internes des partis à résoudre les primaires contestées explique pourquoi les candidats lésés ont eu recours à des recours légaux. Bien que cette approche ait été remise en question d’un point de vue légaliste, la constitutionnalité de la demande de réparation juridique trouve son origine dans le changement de régime juridique régissant les primaires des partis, qui a façonné, remodelé et eu un impact positif sur la démocratie électorale au Nigeria.